On the prosecutor general’s motion to the Constitutional Tribunal regarding the European Convention (case K 7/21)

Share

Co-founder of the Rule of Law in Poland and the Wiktor Osiatyński Archive, rule of law monitoring projects. Doctor of…

More

Just like the Prime Minister’s motion and the Constitutional Tribunal’s judgment of 7 October, the prosecutor general's motion in case K 7/21 contains criticism of the European Court of Human Rights acts, that are nowhere to be found in the courts' case law.



A case K 7/21 concerns Prosecutor General Zbigniew Ziobro‘s second motion to the Constitutional Tribunal to examine whether the interpretation of Article 6(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights is compatible with the Polish Constitution.

The contested Convention’s passage reads: ‘In the determination of his civil rights and obligations or of any criminal charge against him everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law when deciding on his civil rights and obligations or on the merits of any criminal charge against him’.

The applicant asks whether it is compatible with the Polish Constitution that it arises from this passage that:

  • the European Court of Human Rights is creating a right for a judge to perform an administrative function in the organizational structure of the judiciary in Poland; 
  • in the meaning of what a ‘court established by law’ is, the ECtHR does not take into account the provisions of the Polish Constitution, statutes, and judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal;
  • national or international courts assess statutes regarding the structure of the judiciary, the jurisdiction of the courts, and the National Council of the Judiciary as to their conformity with the Polish Constitution and the Convention.

Reaction to the ECtHR judgment

A motion formulated in this way is a direct reaction to the judgment of the ECtHR of 8 November in Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v Poland. In that judgment, the ECtHR ruled that the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs, which PiS had added to the Supreme Court in 2018, breached the right to an independent and impartial court established by law, protected by Article 6(1) of the Convention. It awarded the two applicants 15,000 euros each, payable after the judgment becomes final.

 

Maria Ejchart-Dubois and Sylwia Gregorczyk-Abram from the Justice Defence Committee (KOS) represented Judges Monika Dolińska-Ficek from the District Court in Mysłowice and Artur Ozimek from the Regional Court in Lublin.

 

The Court ruled that the Polish government must take fast action to address the lack of independence of the National Council of the Judiciary.

 

The ECtHR used a three-stage test of an independent court established by law when assessing the Chamber. The Court had developed this test on the basis of a case involving judges from Iceland. The ECtHR delivered its judgment in Guðmundur Andri Ástráðsson v Iceland (Application no. 26374/18) on 1 December 2020.

 

The ECtHR emphasized that the crux of the problem with the Chamber is that the new National Council of the Judiciary, which is not sufficiently independent of the executive and the legislature, took part in staffing it after the amendment of the law in 2017.

 

It pointed out that the change in the method in which the NCJ was elected should be considered in the broader context of coordinated changes in the judiciary in Poland, which have raised the concerns of numerous international organizations and bodies, such as the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe and the European Commission, and have become the subject of several proceedings before the Court of Justice of the European Union.

 

The ECtHR also referred to the resolution of the three legal chambers of the Supreme Court on 23 January 2020, when it held that the NCJ was not independent. It ruled that it did not agree with the ‘arbitrary’ assessment of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal that this resolution was in conflict with the Constitution.

 

In addition, the ECtHR ruled in July that, when adjudicating on the disciplinary case of Attorney-at-Law Joanna Reczkowicz, the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court breached her right to a trial, which is protected by Article 6(1) of the Convention. As in the Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek judgment, the ECtHR held that the new NCJ was responsible for this in the procedure of appointing people to the Disciplinary Chamber.

 

The motion seeks to overturn some of the ECtHR judgments

The ECtHR has received a total of 57 complaints from Poland with regard to various elements of the ‘reform of the judiciary’. In February, the ECtHR announced that it was examining them in an expedited procedure. It issued four judgments from May to November, all of which were unfavourable for the Polish government.

 

Just as Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki’s application to the Constitutional Tribunal on the interpretation of the provisions of the Treaty on European Union and the Constitutional Tribunal’s judgment in the matter on 7 October, Ziobro’s motion on the European Convention on Human Rights intends to reject some of the ECtHR’s judgments which the ruling party does not like – including the judgments in Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek and Reczkowicz.

 

And just like the Prime Minister’s motion and the Constitutional Tribunal’s judgment of 7 October, Ziobro’s motion in case K 7/21 contains criticism of the ECtHR’s alleged acts, which do not exist in the case law of the ECtHR.

 

This is about the request to examine whether the ECtHR is creating ‘the right of a judge to hold an administrative position within the organizational structure of the judiciary in Poland’.

 

Poland has no constitutional personal right of a judge ‘to hold a specific official position in a specific court’, which the Ombudsman, among others, has confirmed.

 

The Constitutional Tribunal headed by Julia Przyłębska ruled twice that the right of a judge to decide or at least jointly decide on the place of adjudication does not arise from the provisions of the Constitution and statutes (case ref. SK 30/14).

 

The ruling party cites the lack of right of judges to occupy specific positions within the structure of the judiciary when judges are seconded to the Ministry of Justice, judges are transferred to other court divisions – which is a form of repression of judges who criticize the government’s policy on the rule of law – or further changes are announced in the structure of the judiciary.

 

But attempts to create such a right cannot be found in the ECtHR rulings.

 

On 29 June, the ECtHR ruled that the inability of judges Alina Broda and Mariusz Bojara to appeal to a court against the decision of the Minister of Justice removing them from their positions as vice-presidents of the Regional Court in Kielce breaches their right to a trial, which is protected by Article 6(1) of the Convention. The judgment became final on 29 September.

 

In paragraph 95 of this judgment, the ECtHR emphasized that ‘Article 6(1) of the Convention does not guarantee that civil “rights and obligations” have a specific substantive content in the legal order of the Contracting States: The Court cannot create a substantive right which has no legal grounds in the given State through an interpretation of Article 6(1).’

 

However, in its case-law, the ECtHR has acknowledged for years that the correctness of the appointment of a judge is an element that is encompassed by the requirements of Article 6(1) of the Convention.

 

In raising the second allegation that ‘the understanding of what a “court established by law” is does not take into account the provisions of the Polish Constitution, statutes and judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal”, the prosecutor general raises the criticism that the ECtHR, the CJEU and the national courts do not refer, among other things, to the statutes passed by PiS and the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal, which is subordinated to the politicians.

 

Indeed, in the ECtHR’s judgment in Dolińska-Ficek and Ozimek, the Court referred to the judgments of the CJEU and the legitimate Supreme Court from 2017–2021, stating that the Constitutional Tribunal had presented a conflicting interpretation. The ECtHR also criticized the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal regarding the new NCJ (paragraphs 290–295 of the judgment), as well as the CT’s judgment acknowledging that the Supreme Court overstepped its powers when issuing the resolution of 23 January 2020 (paragraph 316). It assessed the Constitutional Tribunal’s arguments as being ‘arbitrary’ (paragraph 317).

 

The ECtHR also referred to its own case law: the judgment of 7 May in Xero Flor v Poland, in which the Court ruled that the Constitutional Tribunal with ‘stand-ins’ in its membership breached the right of the applicants that is protected by Article 6(1).

 

The response to this judgment was that the Prosecutor General applied to the Constitutional Tribunal in case K 6/21 to examine whether the interpretation of Article 6(1) of the Convention, in which the Polish Constitutional Tribunal is a court, is in line with the Constitution. On 24 November 2021, the Constitutional Tribunal ruled that it was not.

 

 

Russian variant?

 

The motions of the Disciplinary Chamber and Prime Minister Morawiecki to the Constitutional Tribunal regarding the provisions of the Treaty on EU, and in fact the rulings of the Court of Justice of the EU, and now the two motions of the Prosecutor General, which apply to the interpretation of the European Convention on Human Rights, and in fact the rulings of the ECtHR, are currently dangerous precedents. They may soon be the norm.

 

This can lead to the situation that every time a national, EU or international court refers to the provisions of an international agreement and passes a sentence which is not to the liking of the ruling party, the Constitutional Tribunal, which is subordinated to politicians, will rule that, in this respect, these provisions are inconsistent with the Constitution.

 

While formally remaining within the system of EU law or the European Convention on Human Rights, Poland will treat them selectively. This will have an effect mainly domestically, on Polish judges who may be penalized on disciplinary charges for failing to comply with rulings of the Constitutional Tribunal.

 

As well as on Polish citizens, who will not be sure whether, if they file a complaint with the ECtHR against Poland, Poland will recognize a judgment that is unfavorable to the authorities at all. And this is now a scenario taken directly from Russia.

 

Translated by Roman Wojtasz

 

The article is adapted from the text published in Polish at OKO.press on 15 November 2021.



Author


Co-founder of the Rule of Law in Poland and the Wiktor Osiatyński Archive, rule of law monitoring projects. Doctor of…


More

Published

January 19, 2022

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesmuzzle lawCJEUJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekCourt of Justice of the European UnionNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyPiotr Schabjudiciarypresidential electionselectionscriminal lawKamil Zaradkiewiczelections 2023disciplinary commissionermedia freedomJulia PrzyłębskaK 3/21First President of the Supreme Courtelections 2020harassmentSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaprosecutionHungaryMichał LasotaprosecutorsBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorŁukasz PiebiakConstitutionEuropean Arrest WarrantPrime Ministerfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiCOVID-19Marek SafjanVenice CommissionSejmimmunityCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówIustitiaMaciej FerekMałgorzata GersdorfreformMinistry of JusticeNCJExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberOSCEcourtsWojciech Hermelińskidisciplinary liability for judgesEU budgetcorruptionStanisław PiotrowiczNational Public Prosecutorcriminal proceedingsCouncil of EuropeAnna DalkowskaLGBTJustice FundPresident of the Republic of PolandWłodzimierz Wróbelconditionality mechanismTHEMISKrystian MarkiewiczAleksander StepkowskiStanisław BiernatPiSreformsLaw and Justicecommission on Russian influenceLabour and Social Security ChamberJarosław Dudziczconditionalityfreedom of assemblyPresident of PolandChamber of Professional LiabilityOrdo Iurismedia independenceDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. PolandSLAPPStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsSupreme Court PresidentMarcin Romanowskielectoral codeAndrzej StępkaArticle 7Piotr PrusinowskiSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeTVPmediaLech GarlickiLex Super OmniapoliceabortionNext Generation EUUrsula von der LeyenEAWJustice Defence Committee – KOSAmsterdam District CourtdefamationKrzysztof ParchimowiczFreedom HouseMichał WawrykiewiczEwa ŁętowskaArticle 6 ECHRMay 10 2020 elections2017Piotr GąciarekPegasussuspensionP 7/20acting first president of the Supreme CourtNational Electoral CommissionK 7/21PM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej ZollJarosław WyrembakLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberCivil Chamberparliamentcivil societyNational Reconstruction PlanConstitutional Tribunal PresidentAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraKrakówBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaJanusz NiemcewiczAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczAdam Synakiewiczstate of emergencyWojciech ŁączkowskiEdyta BarańskaMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaJoanna Misztal-Koneckajudcial independenceMaciej MiteraDariusz KornelukViktor OrbanOLAFrestoration of the rule of lawvetoMariusz KamińskisurveillanceK 6/21Józef IwulskiAstradsson v IcelandCentral Anti-Corruption BureauPATFoxSLAPPsTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaaccountabilityUkraineKrystyna PawłowiczRafał PuchalskitransparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressright to fair trialDariusz DrajewiczPaweł FilipekMaciej Taborowskismear campaigninsulting religious feelingsNational Prosecutor’s OfficeMariusz MuszyńskiBelaruselectoral processcourt presidentsMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekmilestonesWojciech MaczugaMichał LaskowskiMarian BanaśJakub IwaniecSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy Stępieńelections fairnessAndrzej RzeplińskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękFerdynand RymarzInternational Criminal CourtMarek PietruszyńskiMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiXero Flor v. Polandpublic mediaSupreme Audit OfficelexTuskcourt changeselections integrityMarek ZubikKonrad Wytrykowskiabuse of state resourcesGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesEuropean ParliamentZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin Warchoł11 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesZiobroFree CourtsdecommunizationEwa WrzosekEU law primacyhuman rightsPiebiak gaterecommendationreportLaw on the NCJlex NGORussiaCCBEpublic opinion pollHuman Rights CommissionerJarosław GowinPiotr PszczółkowskiLGBT ideology free zonesC-791/19coronaviruscriminal coderetirement ageNetherlandsAdam Tomczyńskidemocratic backslidingintimidation of dissentersThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeBogdan ŚwięczkowskitransferBelgiumJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitCouncil of the EUElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikKatarzyna ChmuraSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiLIBE Committeedefamatory statementsMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaNGOKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczIrena BochniakoppositionEuropean Court of Huelectoral commissionsAct on the Supreme CourtdiscriminationJakub KwiecińskiWorld Justice Project awardTomasz Koszewskitest of independenceDariusz DończykGrzegorz FurmankiewiczAntykastaStanisław ZdunAdam Gendźwiłł2018Wojciech SadurskiFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRMarek Jaskulskirepairing the rule of lawadvocate generalpress release#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksE-mail scandalAndrzej SkowronRights and Values ProgrammeTomasz SzmydtŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakEmilia SzmydtSwieczkowskiKasta/AntykastaBohdan BieniekStanisław ZabłockiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczFrans TimmermansMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakUS Department of StateMarcin KrajewskiEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Arkadiusz CichockiCT PresidentMarcin Matczakequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)codification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotafundamental rightsState Tribunalinsultcivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billKRSJudicial Reformsmigration strategyPenal CodeLGBTQ+NIKProfetosame-sex unionsKatarzyna Kotulacivil partnershipsHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsPiotr HofmańskiC‑718/21preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil LawInvestigationPoznańKrzysztof Rączkaextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment ActCrimes of espionageJoanna KnobelAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna Wydrzyńskaenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDobrochna Bach-Goleckaelection fairnessNational Broadcasting Councilgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUDonald Tusk governmentjudgePrzemysław CzarnekJózsef SzájerRafał TrzaskowskiKlubrádióSobczyńska and Others v PolandŻurek v PolandGazeta WyborczaGrzęda v PolandPollitykaJelenmedia lawIndex.huJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMABrussels IRome IILGBT free zonesFirst President of the Suprme CourtBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekequalityMarek PiertuszyńskiChamber of Extraordinary VerificationArticle 2Forum shoppinghate speechEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian Kaletahate crimesC-156/21C-157/21Education Ministerthe Regional Court in Warsawproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmermutual trustabortion rulingLMUnited NationsLeszek MazurAmsterdamIrena Majcherinterim measuresIrelandautocratizationMultiannual Financial FrameworkC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekENAArticle 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actpublic broadcasterForum Współpracy SędziówSimpson judgmentAK judgmentlegislative practiceforeign agents lawrepressive actMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitLSOtrans-Atlantic valuesDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandAmnesty InternationalThe First President of the Supreme CourtErnest BejdaJacek Sasinright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychAct of 20 December 2019Michał WośMinistry of FinancelawyersFrackowiakPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikKochenovPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the PopulatioPechlegislationlex WośKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in KrakówMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryECJMarek AstFreedom in the WorldEvgeni TanchevRome StatuteIsraelEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeEU valuesPolish National FoundationLux Veritatisinfringment actionMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykPKWENCJoligarchic systemclientelismIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258Leon Kieresresolution of 23 January 2020Telex.huEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtAlina CzubieniakMaciej RutkiewiczharrassmentMirosław WróblewskiprimacyborderGerard BirgfellerTVNjournalistslexTVNpostal vote billPolish mediapostal voteEwa MaciejewskaRzeszówKoen Lenaerts