‘This is intimidation of the opposition.’ Scheuring-Wielgus MP is being prosecuted by Judge Piebiak

Share

OKO.press political journalist.

More

‘We have entered a very bloody year, a campaign year, there will be no holds barred,’ Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus says. This time, Ziobro’s former ‘chief of staff’ wants to deprive her of her immunity. She called Łukasz Piebiak the ‘head of a set-up’ who was looking for dirt on judges and prosecutors



This is the third motion to strip Left Party MP Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus of her immunity. She has already been deprived of her protection in two cases. And, in one of them, charges of insulting religious feelings have even been pressed; the indictment was filed with a court in Toruń just before Christmas – on 22 December.

 

This time, it is about allegedly insulting Łukasz Piebiak, a former deputy minister of justice.

 

Piebiak’s motion to lift the MP’s immunity had been lying in the drawers of the Sejm’s Regulation Committee for over two years. It was unexpectedly pulled out by the committee chairman and will be considered on 10 January 2023. ‘I don’t know why they have woken up on this matter now,’ Scheuring-Wielgus tells us.

 

It is about her statement of 15 July 2020. She was justifying her support for the motion of no confidence of Minister Zbigniew Ziobro on behalf of the Left Club. She then turned to him and said: ‘It was your deputy minister Piebiak who was the head of a set-up intended to find dirt on judges and prosecutors’.

 

Two months later, Piebiak filed a private indictment against her. He claims the MP had ‘falsely slandered’ him and accused her of defamation under Article 212 of the Penal Code. She will be facing a ‘fine, the restriction of freedom or imprisonment for up to a year.’

 

‘This is intimidation of all of us from the opposition’

 

‘There is some demand for me from the Ministry of Justice,’ believes Scheuring-Wielgus.

 

Charges of insulting feelings and malicious obstruction of religious worship have already been pressed against the MP. The case is being handled ex officioshe was charged by the Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Toruń. The prosecutor’s office was outraged that, during the women’s protests in the autumn of 2020, Scheuring-Wielgus went to the church where she had got married and, together with her husband, stood there for a minute with a sign stating: ‘Woman, you can decide for yourself.’ She is facing up to two years imprisonment for that.

Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus i Piotr Wielgus

 

She is facing a restriction of freedom or a fine for her involvement in the ‘Baby Shoes Remember’ campaign in 2018. She was protesting then against the cover-up of paedophilia by the church. She hung baby shoes on the gate of the St. Johns’ Cathedral in Toruń – as did many others that day. She is being prosecuted by the police chief in that case.

 

In both cases, the PiS parliamentary majority voted to strip her of her legal protection.

 

‘I’m a pawn,’ believes Scheuring-Wielgus. ‘This is all for show. About showing the opposition politicians and others who oppose this authority: look and see what will happen. These are unpleasant situations for people who have not encountered this.’

 

‘This is intimidation of all of us from the opposition. We have entered a very bloody year, a campaign year, there will be no holds barred. For Ziobro, the conviction of an opposition MP would be a demonstration that he is the sheriff, he would show strength, causality,’ assesses Scheuring-Wielgus.

 

According to Article 99 of the Constitution, nobody convicted ‘with a final sentence of imprisonment for an intentional crime prosecuted by public indictment’ can be elected to the Sejm or the Senate.

 

Piebiak instructed ‘smashing a caste-member’ and the deputy minister’s other merits

 

Who is Łukasz Piebiak, about whom Scheuring-Wielgus said he was the ‘head of a set-up’ looking for ‘dirt on judges and prosecutors’?

 

At the Ministry of Justice, he was Zbigniew Ziobro’s deputy (from November 2015 to August 2019), responsible for the judiciary. The media referred to him as ‘chief of staff’ during the mass replacement of judges in 2017 and 2018.

 

He actively collaborated with online hater and later whistleblower Emilia Szmydt (she used the nickname Little Emi on Twitter) in a smear campaign against judges opposing the changes being implemented by PiS.

 

Onet portal revealed this in August 2019. He was frequently referred to as the ‘ringleader’ of that group. Piebiak resigned after Onet revealed the existence of a troll farm in the Ministry of Justice.

 

In April 2022, OKO.press and Onet disclosed evidence ‘that the former deputy minister had not only coordinated the hate campaign against judges, but had gone further. He revealed internal official ministry documents, namely personal information on judges, to which only the ministry’s management, its personnel services or – by way of exception – the chief disciplinary commissioners (appointed by Minister Ziobro) should have access, to outsiders.’

 

‘Smash some caste member,’ wrote Piebiak on 25 October 2018 in the Antykasta [Eng.: Anti-caste] group to deputy disciplinary commissioner Michal Lasota.

 

Members of the Antykasta group on WhatsApp referred to judges opposing the changes being introduced by PiS to the judiciary as ‘kaściak’ [Eng.: caste member].

 

Today, Piebiak is working at the Justice Institute, which is subordinated to the Ministry of Justice. He also became a judge of the Supreme Administrative Court nominated by the neo-NCJ.

 

‘She may have jeopardised the confidence needed to hold the office of judge’

 

‘I accuse Joanna Izabela Scheuring-Wielgus, née Bąkowska, of publicly falsely slandering Judge Łukasz Konrad Piebiak on 15 July 2020 in Warsaw from the rostrum of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland, simultaneously doing this via the mass media,’ wrote Piebiak in a private indictment filed on 8 September 2020 with the District Court for Warsaw-Śródmieście.

 

What did Scheuring-Wielgus ‘falsely slander’ him about?

 

‘About the fact that, while holding the position of Deputy Minister of Justice, he was the head of a set-up whose objective was to find dirt on judges and prosecutors, i.e. such conduct that could humiliate him in public or expose him to a loss of the trust needed to hold the office of a judge – i.e. a crime from Article 212 item 2 of the Penal Code,’ reads Piebiak’s indictment.

 

He then also submitted a motion to the Sejm to lift the MP’s immunity and justified it as follows:

 

‘According to the applicant, this action satisfies the premises of the crime specified in Article 212 of the Penal Code, because the good name is protected by this provision against the offence of defamation, while everyone is entitled to protection of their good name, regardless of their reputation’.

 

What exactly did Scheuring-Wielgus say? She addressed Zbigniew Ziobro from the parliamentary rostrum:

 

‘Another sin, personnel. You put your colleagues wherever you want, in prominent positions in courts throughout the country, and you try to degrade, demote, transfer and intimidate those who are independent. You have also obviously taken care of your wife and your brother. You are also the main actor in the dismantling of the rule of law, pitting the public against the judges and calling them a privileged caste. (…) It was your deputy minister Piebiak who was the head of a set-up intended to find dirt on judges and prosecutors. It’s your man, [MP Dariusz] Matecki, who is running dozens of pages posting racist content.’

 

The debate in the committee on lifting the MP’s immunity will be held on 10 January. While the vote – almost certainly at a session – will be held on 11–13 January.

 

That same day, the committee will consider the Regional Prosecutor’s request for permission to prosecute Civic Platform MP Sławomir Nitras. The PiS majority has already lifted his immunity once, in April 2022. For what? Nitras pointed out that a former activist of the Kukiz’15 movement was walking around the Sejm wearing a T-shirt with racist inscriptions.

 

The article was published in Polish at OKO.press on 4th January 2023.



Author


OKO.press political journalist.


More

Published

January 13, 2023

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the JudiciaryCourt of Justice of the EUjudicial independenceEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemmuzzle lawJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanCJEUMateusz Morawieckineo-judgesCommissioner for Human RightsCourt of Justice of the European UnionPrzemysław RadzikWaldemar ŻurekdemocracyNational Council for JudiciaryPiotr Schabelectionspresidential electionsKamil ZaradkiewiczJulia Przyłębskamedia freedomcriminal lawelections 2023disciplinary commissionerharassmentprosecutionSupreme Administrative CourtHungaryelections 2020preliminary rulingsjudiciaryDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaK 3/21First President of the Supreme CourtPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorRecovery FundPresidentMichał LasotaProsecutor GeneralŁukasz PiebiakBeata MorawiecprosecutorsEuropean Arrest Warrantfreedom of expressionConstitutionPrime MinisterSejmimmunityMaciej NawackiIustitiaRegional Court in KrakówCriminal ChamberCOVID-19Maciej FerekOSCEMałgorzata GersdorfcourtsVenice CommissionMarek SafjanMinistry of JusticeExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberEU budgetdisciplinary liability for judgesWojciech HermelińskiPiSNCJKrystian MarkiewiczStanisław PiotrowiczPresident of the Republic of PolandAleksander Stepkowskicommission on Russian influenceJustice FundTHEMISLabour and Social Security ChamberLaw and JusticeNational Public ProsecutorCouncil of Europecriminal proceedingsconditionalitycorruptionStanisław BiernatreformsAnna Dalkowskafreedom of assemblyconditionality mechanismWłodzimierz WróbelsuspensionPiotr GąciarekOrdo IurisReczkowicz and Others v. PolandparliamentMarcin RomanowskiAndrzej Stępkamedia independenceChamber of Professional LiabilityBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandP 7/20K 7/21LGBTPresident of PolandNational Reconstruction PlanJarosław DudziczLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberMay 10 2020 electionsStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationPiotr PrusinowskidefamationLex Super OmniamediaUrsula von der LeyenKrzysztof ParchimowiczEAWabortionMichał Wawrykiewiczelectoral codeAmsterdam District CourtNext Generation EUSLAPPConstitutional Tribunal PresidentDidier ReyndersTVPEwa ŁętowskaSenateParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeLech GarlickiSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramArticle 6 ECHRAndrzej ZollNational Electoral CommissionFreedom HouseJarosław WyrembakJustice Defence Committee – KOSreformArticle 7acting first president of the Supreme CourtSupreme Court President2017PM Mateusz MorawieckipolicePiotr TulejaJerzy StępieńAndrzej RzeplińskiFerdynand RymarzStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressreportSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczMirosław WyrzykowskiMarek ZubikDariusz KornelukMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekEuropean Parliamentmilestoneselectoral processAndrzej MączyńskiJózef IwulskiWojciech MaczugavetoOLAFViktor OrbanSzymon Szynkowski vel SękMaciej Miterajudcial independencecourt presidentsJanusz NiemcewiczTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaMarek MazurkiewiczZiobroMirosław GranatWojciech ŁączkowskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStefan JaworskiAdam JamrózKazimierz Działochainsulting religious feelingsrestoration of the rule of lawright to fair trialXero Flor v. PolandLaw on the NCJKrakówstate of emergencydecommunizationBelarusAdam SynakiewiczAstradsson v IcelandK 6/21Joanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraCentral Anti-Corruption BureausurveillanceMariusz KamińskiPegasusEdyta BarańskaJoanna Misztal-KoneckaCivil ChamberUkraineSupreme Audit OfficeMarian BanaśKrystyna PawłowiczCCBERafał PuchalskiThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeMarek PietruszyńskiMichał Laskowskipublic opinion pollsmear campaignMariusz MuszyńskiHuman Rights CommissionerMaciej TaborowskiPaweł FilipekInternational Criminal CourtKonrad WytrykowskirecommendationaccountabilityJakub IwaniecDariusz DrajewicztransparencyFree CourtsBohdan Zdziennickiretirement ageSLAPPsPATFoxLGBT ideology free zoneslexTuskAdam Tomczyński11 January March in Warsawabuse of state resourcesEuropean Association of Judgespublic mediaEwa Wrzosekcourt changesC-791/19democratic backslidingcoronavirushuman rightscriminal codePiebiak gateelections fairnessZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczJarosław GowinEU law primacyPiotr PszczółkowskiBelgiumtransferNetherlandscivil societyRussiaBogdan Święczkowskielections integrityintimidation of dissentersMarcin Warchołlex NGOGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszCrimes of espionageNCBiRJoanna KnobelKasta/AntykastaThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentHater ScandalPaweł StyrnaGrzegorz FurmankiewiczDariusz BarskiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczJustyna WydrzyńskaKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczEwa ŁąpińskaIrena BochniakZbigniew ŁupinaNational Broadcasting CouncilKatarzyna ChmuraStanisław ZdunLasotaAntykastaEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFMarek JaskulskiRome StatuteCourt of Appeal in Warsawlex RaczkowskiCourt of Appeal in KrakówNational Council for the JudiciaryMarek Astgag lawsuitsAssessment ActAct sanitising the judiciaryenvironmentPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAgreement for the Rule of LawMaria Ejchart-DuboisPaulina Kieszkowska-Knapikstrategic investmentPiotr HofmańskiUS State DepartmentPutinismKaczyńskilex Wośdisinformationextraordinary commissionlegislationthe Spy ActZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsinvestmentMałgorzata Wąsek-WiaderekOsiatyński'a ArchiveJarosław MatrasPaulina AslanowiczPiotr Raczkowskict on the Protection of the PopulatioAndrzej SkowronoppositionDariusz DończykPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeinsultState TribunalDonald Tusk governmenttest of independencepilot-judgmentVěra JourováTomasz Koszewskiright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawJakub KwiecińskidiscriminationAnti-SLAPP DirectiveODIHRcivil lawDonald TuskJustice MinistryJoanna Scheuring-WielgusAction PlanAdam GendźwiłłElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSebastian Mazurekjustice system reformJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiEuropean Court of HuMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaRadosław BaszukNGOFull-Scale Election Observation MissionWałęsa v. PolandAct on the Supreme CourtLech WałęsaMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksAleksandra RutkowskaE-mail scandalRafał WojciechowskidelegationsTomasz SzmydtEmilia SzmydtWatchdog PolskaArkadiusz CichockiKaspryszyn v PolandDobrochna Bach-GoleckaMonika FrąckowiakNCR&Delection fairnessIvan Mischenkomedia pluralism#RecoveryFilesWiesław Kozielewiczelectoral commissionsMarcin MatczakChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakArkadiusz RadwanMarcin KrajewskiBohdan BieniekGeneral Court of the EUKrzysztof Rączkarepairing the rule of lawPoznańNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)Koan Lenaertscodification commissionKarol WeitzŁukasz BilińskiPKWhate speechGrzęda v PolandŻurek v PolandSobczyńska and Others v PolandRafał Trzaskowskimedia lawPrzemysła RadzikElżbieta KarskaJacek Czaputowiczhate crimesChamber of Extraordinary Verificationinfringment actionEU valuesENCJIsraelforeign agents lawOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeFirst President of the Suprme CourtLGBT free zonesequalityPrzemysław Czarneklegislative practiceAK judgmentSimpson judgmentpublic broadcastermutual trustLMIrelandIrena MajcherAmsterdamthe Regional Court in WarsawOpenbaar MinisterieRegional Court in AmsterdamENAZbigniew BoniekOmbudsmanKraśnikNorwayNorwegian fundsNorwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsC-487/19Article 10 ECHRUnited NationsLeon KierespopulismLIBE CommitteeFrans TimmermansUS Department of StateSwieczkowskiadvocate generalpress releaseRights and Values ProgrammeC-619/18defamatory statementsStanisław ZabłockiCouncil of the EUequal treatmentfundamental rightsCT PresidentEUWhite Paperlustrationtransitional justice2018Nations in TransitWorld Justice Project awardWojciech SadurskiAct of 20 December 2019repressive actKoen LenaertsharrassmentAlina CzubieniakGerard BirgfellerEwa Maciejewskapostal votepostal vote billlawyersLSOjudgePechKochenovEvgeni TanchevFreedom in the WorldECJFrackowiakAmnesty Internationaltrans-Atlantic valuesresolution of 23 January 2020Olsztyn courtoligarchic systemEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficePolish National FoundationLux VeritatisMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykTVNjournalistslexTVNclientelismArticle 258Przemysła CzarnekEducation MinisterIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumPolish mediaRzeszówMichał WośMinistry of FinanceJacek SasinErnest BejdaThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitRoman GiertychWiktor JoachimkowskiborderprimacyEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtMaciej RutkiewiczMirosław Wróblewskiright to protestSławomir JęksaDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandTribunal of StateLeszek MazurCelmerC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service ActForum Współpracy Sędziówmedia taxGermanyMariusz Krasońinterim measuresautocratizationMultiannual Financial Frameworkabortion rulingproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandadvertising taxmediabezwyboruArticle 2Forum shoppingEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian KaletaC-156/21C-157/21Marek PiertuszyńskiNational Prosecutor’s OfficeBogdan ŚwiączkowskiRome IIBrussels IJacek KurskiKESMAIndex.huTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerKlubrádióGazeta WyborczaPollitykaDisicplinary Chamber