The Supreme Court has not been the sole judicial institution under attack by the ruling majority. Since November 2015 the PiS has been increasing political control over other key bodies of the system, including the Constitutional Tribunal, the prosecution, the National Council of Judiciary, and ordinary courts.

The new Supreme Court Act came into effect on 1 January – the Supreme Court judges previously forced to retire are coming back to work. PiS ultimately gave up despite stalling for time until the last moment. Yet the fight for the rule of law continues, and Brussels has no plans to quit. In 2019, the Court of Justice will rule on the politicisation of the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS)

Reporting to the European Commission on the implementation of its recommendations regarding rule of law, the Law and Justice government is demanding the end of the procedure implemented under Article 7 of the Treaty on the EU. In the report, the government makes unsubstantiated claims that the changes into judiciary are addressing ‘high public expectations’

The expected ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal would confirm that the current Polish National Council of Judiciary (KRS), suspended from the European Networks of Councils of Judiciary in September 2018, is legal and capable of guaranteeing independence of judiciary, which critics claim it is not

‘Why was the hearing cancelled? Either there is a problem with the unanimity of the judges, while the Tribunal likes to speak as one in political matters, or the leaders of the party and the government stopped the consideration of the case, fearing a suspected Polexit.’ argues Ewa Siedlecka in her article

3007 judges (91 p/c of all those who took part in the vote) are convinced that the new National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) is not performing the tasks it should and 2881 of them believe it should resign. These are the results of a referendum in as many as 139 courts to date. The referendum is underway in the remaining courts. Poland has ca 10 000 judges

Explanation and interpretation of the nature and possible causes of the the “Polish constitutional crisis”, i.e. backsliding on the part of Poland into authoritarianism. Firstly, historical – unique nature of the Polish transition from Communism to democracy. Secondly, legal explanation ascribes the crisis to the immaturity of Polish legal culture, in particular its excessive formalism. Third explanation is sociological and interprets the Crisis as one of liberal values in contemporary Polish society.

The democratic backsliding is not just another crisis of governance. Rather it strikes at the very core of the initial bargain that brought states together. Therefore the constitutional redesign should go beyond legal and procedural patching and include renewed acknowledgement of the common values and interests and involving people, beyond states and markets

The symbolic jurisprudence and the rule of law will never be wiped out entirely as long as judicial review and the Constitution will be reinforced by the ordinary courts, and as long as citizens do not forget about the institution they used to call “Polish Constitutional Court”. Once the ordinary judges fail the test, and cave in to the political pressure, and the citizens forget, subversive jurisprudence will indeed reign supreme

According to the latest poll, majority of Poles believe that the Court of Justice of the EU is entitled to stop Law and Justice’s judiciary reform if it concludes that the EU rules have been violated. The Polish people widely support firm actions by the Court against the right-wing government