When the law is the violence you fear

Share

A trainee advocate at the Warsaw Bar Association and a lawyer for the Civil Development Forum

More

In accordance with Art. 2 of the Constitution, the Republic of Poland is a democratic state ruled by law. This is linked to the separation and balance of powers, the rule of law, the supremacy of the Constitution, and respect for international law – in short, everything that is currently under attack. Therefore, if a de facto change to the constitutional system of the state is taking place in front of the public’s eyes, can we speak of a coup d’etat?



Any attempt at holding elections that remain in conflict with the current Constitution and the standards that elections should meet in democratic countries, and which essentially excludes the Electoral Code, can and should be considered as an attack on the democratic system of the state.

 

It should also be emphasised that in recent years, in a manner contrary to the principles of a democratic state ruled by law, these changes have been made as part of ‘reforms’ to the prosecutor’s office or courts.

 

This in turn has significantly affected the effectiveness of the law enforcement authorities, as well as numerous discontinuations and refusals to initiate proceedings in so-called politically inconvenient cases.

 

The Constitutional Tribunal has been politicised as a result of the constitutional crisis which has been ongoing since 2015. Meanwhile, the validity of any future elections will be pronounced on by the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of a Supreme Court completely packed with nominees of the new KRS, a body which also fails to meet the criterion of independence.

 

It is worth recalling that, according to the historical interpretation of a coup d’état, a successful act of general treason (as coups are also called) gives power in the state, that is, all the tools of the state, into the hands of the perpetrators, thus removing any possibility of prosecution and punishment. In short, the coup leads to a kind of stalemate – legal, constitutional and systemic. The government is breaking the law, but there is nobody to whom it can be held accountable.

 

However, the concept of a coup d’état is understood differently in the contemporary criminal code. According to Article 127, § 1, anyone, who with the aim of depriving the country of its independence, detaching part of an area of the country or violently changing the constitutional system of the Republic of Poland, or who undertakes activities aimed directly at achieving this goal in consultation with other persons, shall be punished by imprisonment for no less than 10 years, a sentence of 25 years’ imprisonment, or imprisonment for life.

 

However, violence is a key feature of this crime. Until now, violence was understood as the actual incapacitation of the forces counteracting change, by physical force destroying resistance, by putting them in a state of vulnerability or inability to resist, or as the use of force exceeding someone’s strength, the use of physical advantage for unlawful acts, imposing power, control, something with the use of physical coercion or rape.

 

Thus, a de facto ‘physical breaking of resistance’ had to occur. This understanding of violence, if applied in the analysis of Art. 127 § 1 of the Criminal Code, leaves the citizens defenceless in the face of the legislative violence that we face today. 

 

The Penal Code was not prepared for an attempt to change the constitutional system of the Republic of Poland in any way other than a classic, bloody revolution.

 

However, should the lack of free elections meeting the standards of democracy be classified as another type of violence – this time an act of legislative violence?

 

In criminal law, violence occurs as a type of behaviour that is a means to induce surrender. According to the criteria specified in Art. 127 § 1 of the Constitution, presidential elections must be universal, fair, direct and secret. They must also take place in accordance with the electoral calendar, which is initiated by a decree of the Marshal of the Sejm fixing the date of the first round. All other cut-off dates, such as the deadline for submitting candidates for election, depend on the above mentioned date.

 

Any changes in this matter which have not been dictated by the imposition of a state of emergency or the vacation of office by the current president should be considered unlawful. For example, they affect at least the passive voting rights of potential candidates, who would have more time to gather the required 100,000 signatures of support under their application.

 

Violence is a concept that is constantly evolving. Changes in its meaning have occurred over the years due to social and political changes. The same is true regarding the understanding of the idea of domestic violence.

 

At first, only physical violence deserved the attention of law enforcement. Then the catalogue was expanded to include psychological violence. A person who is a victim of violence by a spouse, for example, may not show a single bruise, but in connection with bullying and psychological abuse, he or she will follow the perpetrator’s instructions. The spouse imposes his or her authority not by dealing with resistance through a fist fight, but by denying access to alternative forms of support (e.g. help from third parties or specialised institutions) and the possibility of escape.

 

As citizens, we are dealing with a similar situation today. There is nowhere to run from the authorities – especially in the state of epidemic and a period of closed borders. There is also no access to justice, according to the current restrictions, or even a chance to receive public information in the normal way. Assemblies are prohibited. In such conditions, the electoral regulations will be changed, and attempts to hold the presidential elections in an unconstitutional manner are being continued.

 

Any potential resistance has been eliminated – this means that it has been dealt with bloodlessly. And if it has been dealt with, then – we have witnessed an act of violence by the state.

 

Does extending the concept of violence to include legislative violence contradict the principle of not expanding the interpretation of criminal law? As in the case of ‘violation of bodily integrity’, it is impossible to predict whether the perpetrator will hit or push us. The same goes for contemporary cases of coups d’etat.

 

It remains impossible to predict whether it will happen with the help of tanks or a majority in the parliament. What’s more, at present it is the latter version which remains the most likely. The coup of today is not an artillery bombing: it’s a signature on a piece of paper.

 

The article was published in Polish in Gazeta Wyborcza.



Author


A trainee advocate at the Warsaw Bar Association and a lawyer for the Civil Development Forum


More

Published

May 21, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtDisciplinary ChamberConstitutional Tribunaldisciplinary proceedingsPolandZbigniew ZiobrojudgesCourt of Justice of the EUrule of lawEuropean CommissionNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceMałgorzata ManowskaEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaCourt of JusticeIgor TuleyaEuropean Court of Human Rightsdisciplinary systemMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsCJEUMinister of JusticeJarosław KaczyńskiWaldemar Żurekmuzzle lawKamil ZaradkiewiczNational Recovery Plandemocracypresidential electionsdisciplinary commissionerPiotr SchabPrzemysław RadzikjudiciaryFirst President of the Supreme CourtAdam Bodnarpreliminary rulingsSupreme Administrative CourtK 3/21Hungaryelections 2020neo-judgeselectionsBeata MorawiecJulia PrzyłębskaprosecutorsŁukasz PiebiakNational Council for JudiciaryMichał LasotaEuropean Arrest WarrantMaciej NawackiPrime MinisterPresidentmedia freedomProsecutor GeneralConstitutionCourt of Justice of the European Unioncriminal lawCOVID-19Dagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaMałgorzata GersdorfSejmharassmentPaweł JuszczyszynEU budgetfreedom of expressiondisciplinary liability for judgesWojciech HermelińskiStanisław PiotrowiczMarek SafjanAleksander StepkowskiOSCEPresident of the Republic of PolandMaciej FerekimmunityAnna DalkowskaNational Public ProsecutorCouncil of Europecriminal proceedingsfreedom of assemblyStanisław BiernatExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs Chamberconditionality mechanismconditionalityWłodzimierz WróbelCriminal ChamberLaw and JusticeRegional Court in KrakówprosecutionNCJMinistry of JusticeNational ProsecutorJarosław WyrembakAndrzej Zollacting first president of the Supreme CourtOrdo IurisK 7/21May 10 2020 electionsLex DudaNational Reconstruction PlanProfessional Liability ChamberPresident of PolandLGBTXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandBroda and Bojara v PolandReczkowicz and Others v. Polandparliamentmedia independenceIustitiaJarosław DudziczSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramAmsterdam District CourtKrzysztof ParchimowiczArticle 6 ECHRTHEMISEAWUrsula von der LeyenChamber of Professional LiabilityTVPmediaelections 2023Labour and Social Security Chamber2017policeJustice Defence Committee – KOSFreedom HouseLech GarlickiEwa ŁętowskaSupreme Court PresidentArticle 7Venice CommissionPM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej StępkaPiotr GąciarekcorruptionRecovery FundP 7/20Justice FundPiSC-791/19National Electoral CommissionAstradsson v IcelandK 6/21Piotr PszczółkowskiJoanna Misztal-KoneckaPegasusMariusz KamińskisurveillanceCentral Anti-Corruption BureauGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court Judgeslex NGOcivil societyRussiaJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikorasuspensionJarosław GowinLGBT ideology free zonesUkraineKrystian MarkiewiczKonrad WytrykowskiJakub IwaniecSenateZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczDariusz DrajewiczRafał PuchalskidefamationcourtsMichał WawrykiewiczFree CourtsConstitutional Tribunal PresidentMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekEwa WrzosekEU law primacyLex Super OmniaAdam TomczyńskiBelgiumNetherlandsBogdan Święczkowskijudcial independenceMaciej Miterademocratic backslidingPiotr PrusinowskiViktor OrbanOLAFdecommunizationNext Generation EUvetoabortionJózef IwulskiLaw on the NCJrecommendationTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaKazimierz DziałochaMirosław GranatAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaWojciech ŁączkowskiHuman Rights CommissionerMarek MazurkiewiczCCBEAndrzej MączyńskiThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeJanusz NiemcewiczMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaStanisław Rymarpublic opinion pollFerdynand RymarzAndrzej RzeplińskiJerzy StępieńPiotr TulejaSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczMirosław WyrzykowskireportBohdan ZdziennickiMarek ZubikDidier ReyndersEuropean ParliamentOKO.pressZiobroDariusz ZawistowskiMichał Laskowskiintimidation of dissentersMarek PietruszyńskitransferKrystyna PawłowiczMariusz MuszyńskiPiebiak gatehuman rightsEuropean Association of Judges11 January March in WarsawPaweł FilipekMaciej TaborowskiMarian BanaśSupreme Audit OfficeAdam SynakiewiczBelarusstate of emergencyKrakówcoronavirusXero Flor v. PolandEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtMaciej Rutkiewiczresolution of 23 January 2020Mirosław WróblewskiCivil ChamberLeon Kieresright to protestSławomir JęksaPKWWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman Giertychinfringment actionEU valuesMichał WośMinistry of FinanceENCJJacek SasinErnest BejdaThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiIsraelŁukasz Radkeforeign agents lawpolexitDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeFirst President of the Suprme CourtPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościLGBT free zonesAct sanitising the judiciaryequalityMarek AstChamber of Extraordinary VerificationEdyta Barańskahate crimesCourt of Appeal in Krakówhate speechPutinismcriminal codeKaczyńskiGrzęda v Polandright to fair trialPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasŻurek v PolandMałgorzata Wąsek-WiaderekSobczyńska and Others v Polandct on the Protection of the PopulatiolegislationRafał Trzaskowskilex Wośmedia lawRome StatuteInternational Criminal CourtPrzemysła RadzikAntykastaStanisław ZdunIrena BochniakKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczMarcin WarchołKatarzyna ChmuraElżbieta KarskaMarcin RomanowskiGrzegorz FurmankiewiczJacek CzaputowiczMarek JaskulskiPrzemysław CzarnekJoanna Kołodziej-Michałowiczlegislative practiceEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaENAPaweł StyrnaZbigniew BoniekKasta/AntykastaAndrzej SkowronŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoOmbudsmanMonika FrąckowiakArkadiusz CichockiKraśnikEmilia SzmydtNorwayTomasz SzmydtNorwegian fundssmear campaignNorwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsE-mail scandalDworczyk leaksMichał DworczykC-487/19media pluralism#RecoveryFilesArticle 10 ECHRmilestonesRegional Court in Amsterdamrepairing the rule of lawOpenbaar MinisterieAK judgmentBohdan BieniekSimpson judgmentMarcin KrajewskiForum Współpracy SędziówMałgorzata Dobiecka-Woźniakelectoral processChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairspublic broadcasterWiesław KozielewiczNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeGrzegorz PudaPiotr MazurekJerzy Kwaśniewskimutual trustPetros Tovmasyancourt presidentsLMODIHRIrelandFull-Scale Election Observation MissionNGOIrena MajcherWojciech MaczugaAmsterdamKarolina MiklaszewskaRafał LisakMałgorzata FroncJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiSebastian Mazurekthe Regional Court in WarsawElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSzymon Szynkowski vel SękUnited NationsJoanna Scheuring-Wielgusinsulting religious feelingsLeszek Mazuroppositionelectoral codeAdam Gendźwiłłpopulisminterim measuresDariusz Dończykautocratizationtest of independenceMultiannual Financial FrameworkTomasz Koszewskipublic mediaJakub Kwiecińskiabortion rulingdiscriminationequal treatmentAct on the Supreme Courtprotestselectoral commissionsfundamental rightsthe NetherlandsEuropean Court of HuDenmarkKrzysztof RączkaSwedenPoznańFinlandKoan LenaertsMariusz KrasońKarol WeitzCT PresidentKaspryszyn v PolandGermanyNCR&DCelmerNCBiRC354/20 PPUThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentC412/20 PPUEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFAusl 301 AR 104/19Justyna WydrzyńskaKarlsruheAgnieszka Brygidyr-Doroszact on misdemeanoursCivil Service ActParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeEUWhite Paperlustrationtransitional justice2018Nations in TransitCouncil of the EUmedia taxStanisław Zabłockiadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMAIndex.huTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerKlubrádióSLAPPLIBE CommitteeStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationFrans TimmermansGazeta WyborczaUS Department of StatePollitykaBrussels IRome IISwieczkowskiArticle 2Forum shoppingadvocate generaltransparencyEuropean Economic and Social Committeepress releaseSebastian KaletaRights and Values ProgrammeC-156/21C-157/21C-619/18Marek Piertuszyńskidefamatory statementsWorld Justice Project awardNational Prosecutor’s OfficeWojciech SadurskiBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberjudgeTribunal of StatePechOlsztyn courtKochenovPrzemysła CzarnekEvgeni TanchevEducation MinisterFreedom in the WorldECJIpsosFrackowiakOlimpia Barańska-Małuszeretirement ageAmnesty InternationalHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr Bogdanowicztrans-Atlantic valuesPiotr BurasLSOauthoritarian equilibriumlawyersArticle 258Act of 20 December 2019clientelismoligarchic systemEuropean Public Prosecutor's Officerepressive actPolish National FoundationLux VeritatisKoen LenaertsMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykharrassmentAlina CzubieniakTVNjournalistslexTVNGerard BirgfellerEwa MaciejewskaPolish mediapostal voteRzeszówborderpostal vote billprimacy