The President plans to suggest a candidate for “commissioner” in another Supreme Court Chamber to Tusk.

Share

Journalist at OKO.press.

More

Donald Tusk has recently had to explain a mistake involving his countersignature on President Duda's decision regarding the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court. However, our information indicates that in the case of the Labor Chamber of the Supreme Court, the President may propose a legally appointed Supreme Court judge to Tusk for countersignature.



In the past week, significant controversy arose regarding Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s countersignature on President Andrzej Duda’s decision to appoint a so-called “neo-judge” as the chair of the assembly of judges in the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court, which is tasked with selecting a new President for the Chamber.

 

On Wednesday afternoon, Donald Tusk announced that his signature was a mistake that will not be repeated. This is an important declaration, as we explained in the initial articles on the matter of the countersignature, not only does this open the path to selecting a new President in the Civil Chamber, but similar situations may arise in other chambers of the Supreme Court.

 

On September 2nd, the term of office for the President of the Labor and Social Insurance Chamber, Judge Piotr Prusinowski, who is the last legally appointed judge to hold such a position in the Supreme Court, comes to an end.

 

The candidate for the new President of the Labor Chamber, like in the case of other chambers, should be nominated by the Assembly of Judges of the Chamber. However, the assembly has not been convened because the legally appointed judges, who still hold a majority in this Chamber, have declared that they will not convene until changes are made to restore the rule of law in the Supreme Court.

 

Why? The current law grants the President powers that exceed constitutional limits. It stipulates that the assembly selects three candidates from whom the President chooses the new chamber president. This also means that even with a majority of “old” judges, the neo-judges could still nominate one candidate from their ranks.

 

If by September 3rd there is no President in the Chamber, then according to the law, the oldest of the division chairs in the Chamber, legal judge Dawid Miąsik, will assume the role.

 

The President’s Preferred Acting President

 

However, the President intends to use the powers granted to him by the PiS government during the previous parliamentary term. Andrzej Duda plans to appoint an acting President in the Labor Chamber under Article 15(4) of the Supreme Court Act. This requires the Prime Minister’s countersignature, which, following the media uproar of the past week, is unlikely to agree to a neo-judge assuming this role.

 

Speculation among Supreme Court judges suggests that the President might propose Zbigniew Korzeniowski, a judge appointed to the Supreme Court before 2018, to the Prime Minister for this role. Korzeniowski currently adjudicates in the Labor and Social Insurance Chamber but is also a member of the Chamber of Professional Responsibility, to which he was appointed by President Andrzej Duda.

 

Korzeniowski gained attention in November 2023 when, sitting alone in the Chamber of Professional Responsibility, he refused to lift the immunity of Judge Maciej Nawacki.

 

The case concerned Nawacki’s disregard for the rulings of Bydgoszcz courts, which ordered him to reinstate Judge Paweł Juszczyszyn, who had been suspended for applying EU law.

 

In his ruling, Zbigniew Korzeniowski asserted that the Disciplinary Chamber, abolished by PiS, was a legal court, and that the rulings of European tribunals challenging its status were issued outside their jurisdiction. The judge also referenced rulings of Julia Przyłębska’s Constitutional Tribunal, which held that CJEU rulings on Polish courts are not binding.

 

Supreme Court judges expect that if Zbigniew Korzeniowski becomes acting president, he will convene the assembly, which will be attended by the neo-judges of the Chamber, who will then nominate three candidates, from whom the President will choose the new chamber president.

 

In such a scenario, even a boycott by the legal judges of the Labor Chamber will have little effect. The regulations state that two-thirds of the chamber’s judges must be present at the assembly. If this number is not met, a new assembly is convened, where only a simple majority is required. If that fails as well, the third assembly can proceed with any number of judges present.

 

What Will Donald Tusk Do?

 

On Wednesday, when Donald Tusk explained the countersignature in the Labor Chamber matter, he emphasized repeatedly that it was a mistake due to an oversight, stating that “the document involved the nomination of a neo-judge.” He pointed to Minister Maciej Berek as the one responsible for the oversight.

 

Indeed, the fact that it concerned a neo-judge was symbolically significant.

 

“Mr. Prime Minister, I am very pleased that you and Mr. President have decided to end the dispute over judges in Poland (…) I believe the act of legitimizing judges appointed after 2017, which you have undertaken, will permanently close this futile dispute,” wrote Dagmara Pawełczyk-Woicka, head of the neo-National Council of the Judiciary (neo-KRS), on social media.

 

However, the fact that the countersignature concerned a neo-judge is only part of the picture.

 

“The problem is not the neo-judge. The problem is the blatantly unconstitutional power of the President to appoint a ‘supervisor’ in the Supreme Court, a fact seemingly overlooked by both the Prime Minister and the lawyers working in his office (RCL),” commented Professor Włodzimierz Wróbel, a judge of the Criminal Chamber of the Supreme Court.

 

“The takeover of the Supreme Court by political appointees of the previous government involved creating, in blatant violation of the Constitution, statutory powers for the President to directly interfere with the organization and operation of an independent constitutional body, the Supreme Court.

 

Under these powers, the President imposed an internal regulation on the Supreme Court, mainly intended to incapacitate the General Assembly of Supreme Court Judges and create a way to appoint Professor Manowska as the First President of the Supreme Court.

 

The same mechanism was used to fill the positions of Chamber Presidents in the Supreme Court with their own people. To secure this process, the President also received the right to appoint his supervisors to oversee and carry out these ‘electoral’ procedures.”

 

The same issue was highlighted in an interview with OKO.press by the still-serving President of the Labor Chamber, Piotr Prusinowski.

 

Donald Tusk completely omitted the context of the contested presidential powers to appoint “supervisors” in the Supreme Court when explaining the countersignature on Wednesday.

 

This omission has not alleviated the doubts surrounding this matter within the judicial community. On Friday, August 30th, Onet journalists also published their findings, indicating that the Prime Minister’s ministers had previously rejected the President’s proposal to appoint neo-judge Małgorzata Manowska as a “supervisor” in the Civil Chamber.

 

“This suggests that the Prime Minister’s office was meticulously overseeing who was to receive the nomination. This, in turn, may undermine the claim that the agreement to Wesołowski’s nomination was simply a result of an accidental mistake,” the journalists wrote.

 

 

 

Text by Dominika Sitnicka published in OKO.press on August 30, 2024

Link to the article



Author


Journalist at OKO.press.


More

Published

September 3, 2024

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the JudiciaryCourt of Justice of the EUjudicial independenceEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemmuzzle lawJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanCJEUMateusz Morawieckineo-judgesCommissioner for Human RightsCourt of Justice of the European UnionPrzemysław RadzikWaldemar ŻurekdemocracyNational Council for JudiciaryPiotr Schabelectionspresidential electionsKamil ZaradkiewiczJulia Przyłębskamedia freedomcriminal lawelections 2023disciplinary commissionerharassmentprosecutionSupreme Administrative CourtHungaryelections 2020preliminary rulingsjudiciaryDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaK 3/21First President of the Supreme CourtPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorRecovery FundPresidentMichał LasotaProsecutor GeneralŁukasz PiebiakBeata MorawiecprosecutorsEuropean Arrest Warrantfreedom of expressionConstitutionPrime MinisterSejmimmunityMaciej NawackiIustitiaRegional Court in KrakówCriminal ChamberCOVID-19Maciej FerekOSCEMałgorzata GersdorfcourtsVenice CommissionMarek SafjanMinistry of JusticeExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberEU budgetdisciplinary liability for judgesWojciech HermelińskiPiSNCJKrystian MarkiewiczStanisław PiotrowiczPresident of the Republic of PolandAleksander Stepkowskicommission on Russian influenceJustice FundTHEMISLabour and Social Security ChamberLaw and JusticeNational Public ProsecutorCouncil of Europecriminal proceedingsconditionalitycorruptionStanisław BiernatreformsAnna Dalkowskafreedom of assemblyconditionality mechanismWłodzimierz WróbelsuspensionPiotr GąciarekOrdo IurisReczkowicz and Others v. PolandparliamentMarcin RomanowskiAndrzej Stępkamedia independenceChamber of Professional LiabilityBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandP 7/20K 7/21LGBTPresident of PolandNational Reconstruction PlanJarosław DudziczLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberMay 10 2020 electionsStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationPiotr PrusinowskidefamationLex Super OmniamediaUrsula von der LeyenKrzysztof ParchimowiczEAWabortionMichał Wawrykiewiczelectoral codeAmsterdam District CourtNext Generation EUSLAPPConstitutional Tribunal PresidentDidier ReyndersTVPEwa ŁętowskaSenateParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeLech GarlickiSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramArticle 6 ECHRAndrzej ZollNational Electoral CommissionFreedom HouseJarosław WyrembakJustice Defence Committee – KOSreformArticle 7acting first president of the Supreme CourtSupreme Court President2017PM Mateusz MorawieckipolicePiotr TulejaJerzy StępieńAndrzej RzeplińskiFerdynand RymarzStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressreportSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczMirosław WyrzykowskiMarek ZubikDariusz KornelukMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekEuropean Parliamentmilestoneselectoral processAndrzej MączyńskiJózef IwulskiWojciech MaczugavetoOLAFViktor OrbanSzymon Szynkowski vel SękMaciej Miterajudcial independencecourt presidentsJanusz NiemcewiczTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaMarek MazurkiewiczZiobroMirosław GranatWojciech ŁączkowskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStefan JaworskiAdam JamrózKazimierz Działochainsulting religious feelingsrestoration of the rule of lawright to fair trialXero Flor v. PolandLaw on the NCJKrakówstate of emergencydecommunizationBelarusAdam SynakiewiczAstradsson v IcelandK 6/21Joanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraCentral Anti-Corruption BureausurveillanceMariusz KamińskiPegasusEdyta BarańskaJoanna Misztal-KoneckaCivil ChamberUkraineSupreme Audit OfficeMarian BanaśKrystyna PawłowiczCCBERafał PuchalskiThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeMarek PietruszyńskiMichał Laskowskipublic opinion pollsmear campaignMariusz MuszyńskiHuman Rights CommissionerMaciej TaborowskiPaweł FilipekInternational Criminal CourtKonrad WytrykowskirecommendationaccountabilityJakub IwaniecDariusz DrajewicztransparencyFree CourtsBohdan Zdziennickiretirement ageSLAPPsPATFoxLGBT ideology free zoneslexTuskAdam Tomczyński11 January March in Warsawabuse of state resourcesEuropean Association of Judgespublic mediaEwa Wrzosekcourt changesC-791/19democratic backslidingcoronavirushuman rightscriminal codePiebiak gateelections fairnessZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczJarosław GowinEU law primacyPiotr PszczółkowskiBelgiumtransferNetherlandscivil societyRussiaBogdan Święczkowskielections integrityintimidation of dissentersMarcin Warchołlex NGOGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszCrimes of espionageNCBiRJoanna KnobelKasta/AntykastaThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentHater ScandalPaweł StyrnaGrzegorz FurmankiewiczDariusz BarskiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczJustyna WydrzyńskaKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczEwa ŁąpińskaIrena BochniakZbigniew ŁupinaNational Broadcasting CouncilKatarzyna ChmuraStanisław ZdunLasotaAntykastaEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFMarek JaskulskiRome StatuteCourt of Appeal in Warsawlex RaczkowskiCourt of Appeal in KrakówNational Council for the JudiciaryMarek Astgag lawsuitsAssessment ActAct sanitising the judiciaryenvironmentPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAgreement for the Rule of LawMaria Ejchart-DuboisPaulina Kieszkowska-Knapikstrategic investmentPiotr HofmańskiUS State DepartmentPutinismKaczyńskilex Wośdisinformationextraordinary commissionlegislationthe Spy ActZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsinvestmentMałgorzata Wąsek-WiaderekOsiatyński'a ArchiveJarosław MatrasPaulina AslanowiczPiotr Raczkowskict on the Protection of the PopulatioAndrzej SkowronoppositionDariusz DończykPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeinsultState TribunalDonald Tusk governmenttest of independencepilot-judgmentVěra JourováTomasz Koszewskiright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawJakub KwiecińskidiscriminationAnti-SLAPP DirectiveODIHRcivil lawDonald TuskJustice MinistryJoanna Scheuring-WielgusAction PlanAdam GendźwiłłElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSebastian Mazurekjustice system reformJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiEuropean Court of HuMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaRadosław BaszukNGOFull-Scale Election Observation MissionWałęsa v. PolandAct on the Supreme CourtLech WałęsaMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksAleksandra RutkowskaE-mail scandalRafał WojciechowskidelegationsTomasz SzmydtEmilia SzmydtWatchdog PolskaArkadiusz CichockiKaspryszyn v PolandDobrochna Bach-GoleckaMonika FrąckowiakNCR&Delection fairnessIvan Mischenkomedia pluralism#RecoveryFilesWiesław Kozielewiczelectoral commissionsMarcin MatczakChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakArkadiusz RadwanMarcin KrajewskiBohdan BieniekGeneral Court of the EUKrzysztof Rączkarepairing the rule of lawPoznańNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)Koan Lenaertscodification commissionKarol WeitzŁukasz BilińskiPKWhate speechGrzęda v PolandŻurek v PolandSobczyńska and Others v PolandRafał Trzaskowskimedia lawPrzemysła RadzikElżbieta KarskaJacek Czaputowiczhate crimesChamber of Extraordinary Verificationinfringment actionEU valuesENCJIsraelforeign agents lawOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeFirst President of the Suprme CourtLGBT free zonesequalityPrzemysław Czarneklegislative practiceAK judgmentSimpson judgmentpublic broadcastermutual trustLMIrelandIrena MajcherAmsterdamthe Regional Court in WarsawOpenbaar MinisterieRegional Court in AmsterdamENAZbigniew BoniekOmbudsmanKraśnikNorwayNorwegian fundsNorwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsC-487/19Article 10 ECHRUnited NationsLeon KierespopulismLIBE CommitteeFrans TimmermansUS Department of StateSwieczkowskiadvocate generalpress releaseRights and Values ProgrammeC-619/18defamatory statementsStanisław ZabłockiCouncil of the EUequal treatmentfundamental rightsCT PresidentEUWhite Paperlustrationtransitional justice2018Nations in TransitWorld Justice Project awardWojciech SadurskiAct of 20 December 2019repressive actKoen LenaertsharrassmentAlina CzubieniakGerard BirgfellerEwa Maciejewskapostal votepostal vote billlawyersLSOjudgePechKochenovEvgeni TanchevFreedom in the WorldECJFrackowiakAmnesty Internationaltrans-Atlantic valuesresolution of 23 January 2020Olsztyn courtoligarchic systemEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficePolish National FoundationLux VeritatisMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykTVNjournalistslexTVNclientelismArticle 258Przemysła CzarnekEducation MinisterIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumPolish mediaRzeszówMichał WośMinistry of FinanceJacek SasinErnest BejdaThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitRoman GiertychWiktor JoachimkowskiborderprimacyEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtMaciej RutkiewiczMirosław Wróblewskiright to protestSławomir JęksaDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandTribunal of StateLeszek MazurCelmerC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service ActForum Współpracy Sędziówmedia taxGermanyMariusz Krasońinterim measuresautocratizationMultiannual Financial Frameworkabortion rulingproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandadvertising taxmediabezwyboruArticle 2Forum shoppingEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian KaletaC-156/21C-157/21Marek PiertuszyńskiNational Prosecutor’s OfficeBogdan ŚwiączkowskiRome IIBrussels IJacek KurskiKESMAIndex.huTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerKlubrádióGazeta WyborczaPollitykaDisicplinary Chamber