The government is preparing an attack on NGOs in Poland

Share

Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland

More

The Ministry of the Environment has started work on a plan to disclose the financing of NGOs. In this plan, NGOs will be obliged to state that they are being financed from abroad. Laws like this already operate in Russia, Hungary, and Israel.



 by Magdalena Chrzczonowicz

 

In the interview with TV Trwam (a fundamentalist Catholic TV station, a part of business empire of priest and mogul Tadeusz Rydzyk, who openly supports PiS and has been receiving millions of zlotys from public funds) on May 9, the Minister of the Environment Michał Woś revealed his idea for NGOs.

 

Woś started with the environmentalists: “These people are manipulated by outside forces, they get caught up in emotional games. Lobbyists and big business also operate there.” He then presented his idea for ‘disciplining lobbyists’:

 

“I have set up a working group in the ministry working on getting NGOs to disclose their funding, and not just the environmental ones, because it will benefit the whole of Poland if all organisations practice financial transparency. They will be able to show whether they are financed from foreign funds or not. Those that are should inform the Polish people about it,” said Woś.

 

He explained: “The Polish people have the right to know whether those who are strongly protesting at some investment, on the Vistula Spit, whether these organisations are acting in the interest of Poles, at the request of Poles, from contributions from Poles, or whether there are foreign organisations that are even paying some people to protest at this particular place.

 

The Vistula Spit is being dug up, and some organisations have expressed deep dissatisfaction at this. Some say that the expert opinions showing that this dig should not have taken place were originally written—although I don’t know this, it still has to be checked—in the Cyrillic alphabet.”

 

Back in March 2020, Minister Woś boasted that he was working on a law on establishing the ‘openness’ of ecological organisations. At that time, we asked the ministry what solutions Woś had in mind and whether it was already known who would be on the working party, but we still haven’t received an answer. However, in the interview with TV Trwam, the minister refers to all NGOs. This is a dangerous idea straight out of Putin’s Russia.

 

 

Putin’s Russia, Orban’s Hungary, Netanyahu’s Israel

 

The idea of ‘disclosing funding from abroad’ was first conceived by Vladimir Putin and implemented in 2012. In Russia, associations that receive funding directly from or through state agencies, international organisations, foreign citizens or stateless persons are designated as ‘non-profit organisations acting as foreign agents’.

 

According to Amnesty International, within four years of the law coming into force 148 organisations, including the famous Memorial, were added to the list of ‘foreign agents’ in Russia, of which 27 have been closed. These include the Centre for Social Policy and Gender Studies in Saratov, and the Moscow-based Lawyers for Constitutional Rights and Freedoms association.

 

In 2017, a similar law was adopted by the Orbán government in Hungary. It was preceded by a witch-hunt against non-governmental organisations and national consultations entitled ‘Stop Brussels’. Pursuant to this law, organisations that receive financial support from foreign sources in the amount of over 7.2 million forints (around €20,000) per year are obliged, under penalty of fines and removal from the register of associations, to register as being ‘financed from abroad’, and hence covered by a more stringent financial control regime and possible sanctions. Religious, sports and political foundations and associations are excluded from the law.

 

The law hinders the operation of organisations which monitor the government, defend human rights, etc. It was this lex NGO which caused Hungary to fall in the freedom and democracy rankings of institutions including Freedom House.

 

But the law most similar in shape to that proposed by Michał Woś is currently in force in Israel. Since 2016, human rights groups and organisations which receive more than half of their funding from outside the country, including the European Union, must report this in reports and official communication. What does that mean? Every e-mail, newsletter, mail, grant application, including in contacts with the press, must be accompanied by the annotation that ‘this organisation is financed from foreign funds’.

 

Benjamin Netanyahu uses a law perversely called the ‘transparency bill’ to mark those organisations that monitor the government’s compliance with human rights in the Palestinian Authority, and which—in the prime minister’s view—thus count as enemies of Israel’s interests. The act was criticised by international bodies, including the European Commission, which stated that it conflicts with the principles of freedom of speech, pluralism and democracy.

Russian agents on the Vistula Spit

 

Minister Woś’s statement is also shocking for another reason. He suggests that environmentalists who have been fighting against the dig on the Vistula Spit are being backed by Russia (“expert reports written in Cyrillic”). He added, just in case, “I don’t know, we have to check”; but his statement is unambiguous—the environmentalists are Russian agents (or their unwitting assistants).

 

The minister is probably referring to the complaint which environmental organisations brought to the European Commission, including Greenpeace Polska; or perhaps to the statement prepared by the Polish Ecological Club in 2016, which was supported by several dozen ecological organisations.

 

This study indicated that various negative environmental effects will occur as a result of the project, including:

  • the destruction of the protected Natura 2000 habitats on beaches and dunes;
  • a deterioration of the quality of the waters of the Vistula Lagoon;
  • deterioration of the integrity of the Vistula Spit as a Natura 2000 site caused by the digging of a canal;
  • the negative impact of maritime transport on the ornithological nature reserve of the Elbląg Bay;
  • the destruction of bird habitats which Natura 2000 designated in the Vistula Lagoon (PLB280010), concerning species including the smew, the white-breasted tern, the black tern, the great crested grebe, the mute swan, the common pochard, the tufted duck and the goldeneye.

 

So it seems that the environmentalists’ protests do not stem from their concern for the environment, but are anti-Polish in motivation, apparently contrary to Polish interests.

 

Thus the aim of the new law is not to ensure transparency, as Woś says, but rather to control inconvenient NGOs and portray them to the public as agents of foreign influence. If such changes come into force:

  • they will limit the possibility of obtaining grants from international organisations,
  • they will reduce the Polish people’s trust in NGOs, and
  • they will limit the freedom of non-governmental organisations (which has already been limited by the National Institute of Freedom) and thus lose the support of civil society.

 

In the first half of its first term, the PiS government had already shown that independent and active non-governmental organisations are an obstacle to the state it governs. In 2016, TVP News carried out a spectacular campaign against NGOs, and in 2017-18 the National Freedom Institute, whose aim is to control non-governmental organisations, was established.



Author


Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland


More

Published

May 12, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesmuzzle lawCJEUJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekCourt of Justice of the European UnionNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyPiotr Schabjudiciarypresidential electionselectionscriminal lawKamil Zaradkiewiczelections 2023disciplinary commissionermedia freedomJulia PrzyłębskaK 3/21First President of the Supreme Courtelections 2020harassmentSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaprosecutionHungaryMichał LasotaprosecutorsBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorŁukasz PiebiakConstitutionEuropean Arrest WarrantPrime Ministerfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiCOVID-19Marek SafjanVenice CommissionSejmimmunityCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówIustitiaMaciej FerekMałgorzata GersdorfreformMinistry of JusticeNCJExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberOSCEcourtsWojciech Hermelińskidisciplinary liability for judgesEU budgetcorruptionStanisław PiotrowiczNational Public Prosecutorcriminal proceedingsCouncil of EuropeAnna DalkowskaLGBTJustice FundPresident of the Republic of PolandWłodzimierz Wróbelconditionality mechanismTHEMISKrystian MarkiewiczAleksander StepkowskiStanisław BiernatPiSreformsLaw and Justicecommission on Russian influenceLabour and Social Security ChamberJarosław Dudziczconditionalityfreedom of assemblyPresident of PolandChamber of Professional LiabilityOrdo Iurismedia independenceDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. PolandSLAPPStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsSupreme Court PresidentMarcin Romanowskielectoral codeAndrzej StępkaArticle 7Piotr PrusinowskiSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeTVPmediaLech GarlickiLex Super OmniapoliceabortionNext Generation EUUrsula von der LeyenEAWJustice Defence Committee – KOSAmsterdam District CourtdefamationKrzysztof ParchimowiczFreedom HouseMichał WawrykiewiczEwa ŁętowskaArticle 6 ECHRMay 10 2020 elections2017Piotr GąciarekPegasussuspensionP 7/20acting first president of the Supreme CourtNational Electoral CommissionK 7/21PM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej ZollJarosław WyrembakLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberCivil Chamberparliamentcivil societyNational Reconstruction PlanConstitutional Tribunal PresidentAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraKrakówBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaJanusz NiemcewiczAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczAdam Synakiewiczstate of emergencyWojciech ŁączkowskiEdyta BarańskaMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaJoanna Misztal-Koneckajudcial independenceMaciej MiteraDariusz KornelukViktor OrbanOLAFrestoration of the rule of lawvetoMariusz KamińskisurveillanceK 6/21Józef IwulskiAstradsson v IcelandCentral Anti-Corruption BureauPATFoxSLAPPsTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaaccountabilityUkraineKrystyna PawłowiczRafał PuchalskitransparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressright to fair trialDariusz DrajewiczPaweł FilipekMaciej Taborowskismear campaigninsulting religious feelingsNational Prosecutor’s OfficeMariusz MuszyńskiBelaruselectoral processcourt presidentsMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekmilestonesWojciech MaczugaMichał LaskowskiMarian BanaśJakub IwaniecSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy Stępieńelections fairnessAndrzej RzeplińskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękFerdynand RymarzInternational Criminal CourtMarek PietruszyńskiMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiXero Flor v. Polandpublic mediaSupreme Audit OfficelexTuskcourt changeselections integrityMarek ZubikKonrad Wytrykowskiabuse of state resourcesGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesEuropean ParliamentZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin Warchoł11 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesZiobroFree CourtsdecommunizationEwa WrzosekEU law primacyhuman rightsPiebiak gaterecommendationreportLaw on the NCJlex NGORussiaCCBEpublic opinion pollHuman Rights CommissionerJarosław GowinPiotr PszczółkowskiLGBT ideology free zonesC-791/19coronaviruscriminal coderetirement ageNetherlandsAdam Tomczyńskidemocratic backslidingintimidation of dissentersThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeBogdan ŚwięczkowskitransferBelgiumJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitCouncil of the EUElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikKatarzyna ChmuraSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiLIBE Committeedefamatory statementsMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaNGOKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczIrena BochniakoppositionEuropean Court of Huelectoral commissionsAct on the Supreme CourtdiscriminationJakub KwiecińskiWorld Justice Project awardTomasz Koszewskitest of independenceDariusz DończykGrzegorz FurmankiewiczAntykastaStanisław ZdunAdam Gendźwiłł2018Wojciech SadurskiFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRMarek Jaskulskirepairing the rule of lawadvocate generalpress release#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksE-mail scandalAndrzej SkowronRights and Values ProgrammeTomasz SzmydtŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakEmilia SzmydtSwieczkowskiKasta/AntykastaBohdan BieniekStanisław ZabłockiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczFrans TimmermansMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakUS Department of StateMarcin KrajewskiEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Arkadiusz CichockiCT PresidentMarcin Matczakequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)codification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotafundamental rightsState Tribunalinsultcivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billKRSJudicial Reformsmigration strategyPenal CodeLGBTQ+NIKProfetosame-sex unionsKatarzyna Kotulacivil partnershipsHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsPiotr HofmańskiC‑718/21preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil LawInvestigationPoznańKrzysztof Rączkaextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment ActCrimes of espionageJoanna KnobelAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna Wydrzyńskaenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDobrochna Bach-Goleckaelection fairnessNational Broadcasting Councilgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUDonald Tusk governmentjudgePrzemysław CzarnekJózsef SzájerRafał TrzaskowskiKlubrádióSobczyńska and Others v PolandŻurek v PolandGazeta WyborczaGrzęda v PolandPollitykaJelenmedia lawIndex.huJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMABrussels IRome IILGBT free zonesFirst President of the Suprme CourtBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekequalityMarek PiertuszyńskiChamber of Extraordinary VerificationArticle 2Forum shoppinghate speechEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian Kaletahate crimesC-156/21C-157/21Education Ministerthe Regional Court in Warsawproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmermutual trustabortion rulingLMUnited NationsLeszek MazurAmsterdamIrena Majcherinterim measuresIrelandautocratizationMultiannual Financial FrameworkC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekENAArticle 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actpublic broadcasterForum Współpracy SędziówSimpson judgmentAK judgmentlegislative practiceforeign agents lawrepressive actMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitLSOtrans-Atlantic valuesDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandAmnesty InternationalThe First President of the Supreme CourtErnest BejdaJacek Sasinright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychAct of 20 December 2019Michał WośMinistry of FinancelawyersFrackowiakPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikKochenovPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the PopulatioPechlegislationlex WośKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in KrakówMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryECJMarek AstFreedom in the WorldEvgeni TanchevRome StatuteIsraelEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeEU valuesPolish National FoundationLux Veritatisinfringment actionMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykPKWENCJoligarchic systemclientelismIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258Leon Kieresresolution of 23 January 2020Telex.huEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtAlina CzubieniakMaciej RutkiewiczharrassmentMirosław WróblewskiprimacyborderGerard BirgfellerTVNjournalistslexTVNpostal vote billPolish mediapostal voteEwa MaciejewskaRzeszówKoen Lenaerts