Safjan on disciplinary proceedings against judges in Poland: “I cannot rule out any negative scenario”

Share

Judge at the Court of Justice of the European Union since 7 October 2009. Retired judge of the Constitutional Tribunal…

More

"The involvement of a judge, who speaks up on such public matters related to the rule of law is certainly not a political voice." Prof. Marek Safjan, judge of the Court of Justice of the EU and retired judge of the Constitutional Tribunal, comments on the reports that the disciplinary commissioners want to prosecute 1,200 judges throughout Poland who signed the letter to the OSCE asking it to oversee the postal presidential elections, which were to be held in May 2020.



We are publishing excerpts from the interview which Professor Marek Safjan gave to Dorota Wysocka-Schnepf from Gazeta Wyborcza. The interview was published on 28 August 2020. The questions were rephrased for clarity.

 

The disciplinary commissioners want to prosecute 1,200 judges throughout Poland who signed the letter to the OSCE asking it to oversee the postal presidential elections, which were to be held in May 2020. Were the judges allowed to sign such a letter?

 

Prof. Marek Safjan: “I have no doubts that they were. Let us remember that this was no ordinary letter, but a letter in defence of the rule of law, in defence of transparent equal, general and free elections, namely such an element which determines the system of law and which essentially applies to the systemic and legal consequences in our country.

 

Therefore, the judges, not only as people who are particularly predisposed due to their knowledge and experience, but also as citizens, have the right to speak up in such cases.

 

It is not the case that the critical voice of a judge regarding one legal regulation or another, undermining, for example, the rationale of the intentions or indicating extremely negative consequences – as in this case, because the threats were noticeable by everyone – that such a voice can immediately be considered as taking part in a political debate.

 

In my opinion, this is a dramatic confusion of concepts. The involvement of a judge, who speaks up on such public matters related to the rule of law is certainly not a political voice.”

 

The disciplinary commissioners are pressing charges, such as “dishonouring the dignity of a judge and undermining his independence and impartiality”, on the judges.

 

“There is no way of agreeing with this at all. Because judges have been essentially stripped of their ability to speak up at all on any matter that is not related to issues that apply to them, e.g. in connection with court proceedings. After all, this is nonsense. A judge is still a citizen. And every judge, after all in line with the position of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which was also very clearly expressed in CJEU’s judgment in Baka v. Hungary, has the right to publicly speak out in situations that apply to the protection of fundamental rights, constitutional systems of the courts and issues of key importance to the rule of law. And this was the situation in this case.”

 

The next allegation: “in the letter to the OSCE, a judge took up public activity, taking an active stance in the current political dispute and standing up against solutions proposed by one of the political parties”.

 

“This is an allegation that essentially applies to the same criticism of the adopted statutory regulation, and, without any doubt whatsoever, judges have the right to express such criticism. In a sense, it can be said that they are even obliged to speak up if they see defects in such a solution, from the point of view of precisely the public good. They have at least a moral obligation to take part in the emergence of such a law.

 

After all, it should be remembered that these changes in the law were previously also subject to, for example, an opinion of the Supreme Court. Should it also be said that the Supreme Court took part in a political debate because it spoke up about a bill prepared by the political majority in parliament?

 

After all, this is nonsense. Every bill must be supported by one or another politically specified majority. From this assumption, any criticism of the law that has been passed by the political majority would have to be treated as a breach of the dignity of a judge, participation in a political debate, and taking a stance on issues that are of a purely political nature.

 

This is a complete confusion of notions. There is no way of agreeing with this. And we should remember that this is, I would like to re-emphasize, about a category of people who are particularly strongly responsible for the course of matters in the country. As people who are highly aware and have professional qualifications, they should alert the public when they notice that the solutions that are being prepared could be damaging to the public good.

 

I repeat – they have the duty to do so! After all, we should remember the scale of what is happening today, because I am hearing about 1,200 judges who could potentially be subject to disciplinary proceedings. After all, this is inconceivable! This is 10% of the judges in Poland. Where are we heading?”

 

What does the EU say about the abuse of disciplinary proceedings with respect to judges?

 

“In our recent case law of the CJEU, for example in the judgment of 19 November 2019 or in the April judgment on interim measures regarding the functioning of the Disciplinary Chamber, the Court clearly held that threatening judges with disciplinary proceedings are a tool used for intimidation.

 

It can be an instrument that affects the attitudes of judges and can have extremely negative consequences on the independence of judges and their objectivity. It is one of those elements that must always be taken into account as an important criterion for assessing whether the standards of judicial independence are being respected.

 

And if it happens on such a scale, there is no need to ask rhetorical questions; after all, it must have the effect of intimidating the entire community.

 

I don’t know where this is going. The Court of Justice referred to all the negative consequences and that is why the functioning of the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court was temporarily suspended, as some people are trying to completely forget today. Well, the point was not to use this tool in the form of disciplinary proceedings and a threat of disciplinary sanctions as a form of pressuring judges. This is how it was developed. Meanwhile, we are dealing with exactly the opposite.

 

The use of this tool against judges is extremely dangerous. This is playing a really very dangerous game with the standards of the rule of law, with incalculable consequences.

 

Unfortunately, looking at the way in which disciplinary proceedings are being developed, with such heavy involvement of the disciplinary commissioners who, just as a reminder, are appointed by the minister of justice, such a situation can suggest that this is actually about some far-reaching effects, e.g. the replacement of a large number of judges and with new judges. Well, that would be unthinkable.

 

(…)

 

I believe that, in the current situation, no scenario can be ruled out, including the most pessimistic one, which would use precisely the most far-reaching means, regardless of the consequences.

 

Further proceedings are still pending in Luxembourg before the CJEU.

 

All these are elements that also affect the assessment of what is happening in our country. And this is not the background; these are the circumstances that form the context in which these matters are being settled.

 

I simply cannot understand what the idea is, what the politics are in this respect, as it can lead to such a huge strain on confidence in Polish judges.

 

After all, the steps were taken by the Disciplinary Chamber of the Supreme Court, when there is a decision of the Court of Justice of the European Union to suspend the activities of these courts with respect to judges, for example, constituted such a completely incomprehensible act.”

 

(…)

 

“I cannot rule out any negative scenario. This is extremely disturbing, it seriously worries me. I look at it from a certain distance from Luxembourg but I have to say that I am truly very concerned by it.”

 

Translated by Roman Wojtasz



Author


Judge at the Court of Justice of the European Union since 7 October 2009. Retired judge of the Constitutional Tribunal…


More

Published

September 4, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesmuzzle lawCJEUJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekCourt of Justice of the European UnionNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyPiotr Schabjudiciarypresidential electionselectionscriminal lawKamil Zaradkiewiczelections 2023disciplinary commissionermedia freedomJulia PrzyłębskaK 3/21First President of the Supreme Courtelections 2020harassmentSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaprosecutionHungaryMichał LasotaprosecutorsBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorŁukasz PiebiakConstitutionEuropean Arrest WarrantPrime Ministerfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiCOVID-19Marek SafjanVenice CommissionSejmimmunityCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówIustitiaMaciej FerekMałgorzata GersdorfreformMinistry of JusticeNCJExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberOSCEcourtsWojciech Hermelińskidisciplinary liability for judgesEU budgetcorruptionStanisław PiotrowiczNational Public Prosecutorcriminal proceedingsCouncil of EuropeAnna DalkowskaLGBTJustice FundPresident of the Republic of PolandWłodzimierz Wróbelconditionality mechanismTHEMISKrystian MarkiewiczAleksander StepkowskiStanisław BiernatPiSreformsLaw and Justicecommission on Russian influenceLabour and Social Security ChamberJarosław Dudziczconditionalityfreedom of assemblyPresident of PolandChamber of Professional LiabilityOrdo Iurismedia independenceDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. PolandSLAPPStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsSupreme Court PresidentMarcin Romanowskielectoral codeAndrzej StępkaArticle 7Piotr PrusinowskiSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeTVPmediaLech GarlickiLex Super OmniapoliceabortionNext Generation EUUrsula von der LeyenEAWJustice Defence Committee – KOSAmsterdam District CourtdefamationKrzysztof ParchimowiczFreedom HouseMichał WawrykiewiczEwa ŁętowskaArticle 6 ECHRMay 10 2020 elections2017Piotr GąciarekPegasussuspensionP 7/20acting first president of the Supreme CourtNational Electoral CommissionK 7/21PM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej ZollJarosław WyrembakLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberCivil Chamberparliamentcivil societyNational Reconstruction PlanConstitutional Tribunal PresidentAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraKrakówBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaJanusz NiemcewiczAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczAdam Synakiewiczstate of emergencyWojciech ŁączkowskiEdyta BarańskaMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaJoanna Misztal-Koneckajudcial independenceMaciej MiteraDariusz KornelukViktor OrbanOLAFrestoration of the rule of lawvetoMariusz KamińskisurveillanceK 6/21Józef IwulskiAstradsson v IcelandCentral Anti-Corruption BureauPATFoxSLAPPsTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaaccountabilityUkraineKrystyna PawłowiczRafał PuchalskitransparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressright to fair trialDariusz DrajewiczPaweł FilipekMaciej Taborowskismear campaigninsulting religious feelingsNational Prosecutor’s OfficeMariusz MuszyńskiBelaruselectoral processcourt presidentsMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekmilestonesWojciech MaczugaMichał LaskowskiMarian BanaśJakub IwaniecSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy Stępieńelections fairnessAndrzej RzeplińskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękFerdynand RymarzInternational Criminal CourtMarek PietruszyńskiMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiXero Flor v. Polandpublic mediaSupreme Audit OfficelexTuskcourt changeselections integrityMarek ZubikKonrad Wytrykowskiabuse of state resourcesGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesEuropean ParliamentZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin Warchoł11 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesZiobroFree CourtsdecommunizationEwa WrzosekEU law primacyhuman rightsPiebiak gaterecommendationreportLaw on the NCJlex NGORussiaCCBEpublic opinion pollHuman Rights CommissionerJarosław GowinPiotr PszczółkowskiLGBT ideology free zonesC-791/19coronaviruscriminal coderetirement ageNetherlandsAdam Tomczyńskidemocratic backslidingintimidation of dissentersThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeBogdan ŚwięczkowskitransferBelgiumJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitCouncil of the EUElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikKatarzyna ChmuraSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiLIBE Committeedefamatory statementsMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaNGOKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczIrena BochniakoppositionEuropean Court of Huelectoral commissionsAct on the Supreme CourtdiscriminationJakub KwiecińskiWorld Justice Project awardTomasz Koszewskitest of independenceDariusz DończykGrzegorz FurmankiewiczAntykastaStanisław ZdunAdam Gendźwiłł2018Wojciech SadurskiFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRMarek Jaskulskirepairing the rule of lawadvocate generalpress release#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksE-mail scandalAndrzej SkowronRights and Values ProgrammeTomasz SzmydtŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakEmilia SzmydtSwieczkowskiKasta/AntykastaBohdan BieniekStanisław ZabłockiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczFrans TimmermansMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakUS Department of StateMarcin KrajewskiEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Arkadiusz CichockiCT PresidentMarcin Matczakequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)codification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotafundamental rightsState Tribunalinsultcivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billKRSJudicial Reformsmigration strategyPenal CodeLGBTQ+NIKProfetosame-sex unionsKatarzyna Kotulacivil partnershipsHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsPiotr HofmańskiC‑718/21preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil LawInvestigationPoznańKrzysztof Rączkaextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment ActCrimes of espionageJoanna KnobelAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna Wydrzyńskaenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDobrochna Bach-Goleckaelection fairnessNational Broadcasting Councilgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUDonald Tusk governmentjudgePrzemysław CzarnekJózsef SzájerRafał TrzaskowskiKlubrádióSobczyńska and Others v PolandŻurek v PolandGazeta WyborczaGrzęda v PolandPollitykaJelenmedia lawIndex.huJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMABrussels IRome IILGBT free zonesFirst President of the Suprme CourtBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekequalityMarek PiertuszyńskiChamber of Extraordinary VerificationArticle 2Forum shoppinghate speechEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian Kaletahate crimesC-156/21C-157/21Education Ministerthe Regional Court in Warsawproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmermutual trustabortion rulingLMUnited NationsLeszek MazurAmsterdamIrena Majcherinterim measuresIrelandautocratizationMultiannual Financial FrameworkC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekENAArticle 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actpublic broadcasterForum Współpracy SędziówSimpson judgmentAK judgmentlegislative practiceforeign agents lawrepressive actMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitLSOtrans-Atlantic valuesDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandAmnesty InternationalThe First President of the Supreme CourtErnest BejdaJacek Sasinright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychAct of 20 December 2019Michał WośMinistry of FinancelawyersFrackowiakPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikKochenovPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the PopulatioPechlegislationlex WośKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in KrakówMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryECJMarek AstFreedom in the WorldEvgeni TanchevRome StatuteIsraelEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeEU valuesPolish National FoundationLux Veritatisinfringment actionMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykPKWENCJoligarchic systemclientelismIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258Leon Kieresresolution of 23 January 2020Telex.huEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtAlina CzubieniakMaciej RutkiewiczharrassmentMirosław WróblewskiprimacyborderGerard BirgfellerTVNjournalistslexTVNpostal vote billPolish mediapostal voteEwa MaciejewskaRzeszówKoen Lenaerts