Report on repression against Polish judges and prosecutors

Share

Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland

More

"Justice under pressure – repressions as a means of attempting to take control over the judiciary and the prosecution in Poland in 2015-2019" report was prepared by the Association of Polish Judges "Iustitia" and association of prosecutors "Lex Super Omnia"



Introduction

 

In 2017, as part of a package of legal changes to the judiciary, a disciplinary system was created in Poland to ensure that judges were subservient to the political will of the authorities. Piotr Schab and his deputies, Przemysław W. Radzik and Michał Lasota, the disciplinary prosecutor of common court judges, appointed by the Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General, almost from the moment of their appointment, have targeted judges who opposed unconstitutional changes in the judiciary.

 

There can be many pretexts: a public statement, putting on a T-shirt with the inscription “Constitution”, asking the Court of Justice of the European Union for a preliminary ruling, or a verdict which does not in line with the intention of the prosecution or political authority.

 

Disciplinary proceedings are by no means the only repressions that affect judges who demand that other authorities respect the rule of law in Poland. Such judges either have their departments closed or the scope of their activities is changed so that they have to rule on cases with which they have not previously been in contact. It is easier in such a situation to make a mistake and give a pretext for disciplinary proceedings.

 

This is a report which is a compilation of the most blatant cases of repression against Polish judges. Each repression has two sides – there is a victim, but there is also a perpetrator.

 

Repressions have specific faces, and behind each of them stands a person. That is why we decided that these faces should be shown to the public. We present not only the people who have fallen victim to repression by the disciplinary and official apparatus, but also public officers – judges, prosecutors, who are responsible for using various methods of pressure and harassment.

 

Th is report presents not only information about the investigations and disciplinary proceedings, but also the so-called soft repressions, consisting, among other things, in the exercise of the powers vested in court presidents, which bear features of harassment or mobbing (legal harassment). An example is the unjustified transfer to another department where a judge has never ruled, or administrative supervision of all cases from a judge’s unit, which makes it necessary to continuously write reports on the course of cases. A specific repression that has been revealed in recent months is the action of discrediting and using hate speech against judges online and offline.

 

As reported in the media, these actions have been instigated and managed by offi cers connected with the political power of the Ministry of Justice, by the so-called National Council of the Judiciary, or by deputy disciplinary prosecutors of common court judges. The report also contains examples of blatant public statements by representatives of the highest state authorities of the Republic of Poland slandering and denigrating judges in the national and international arena.

 

The study consists of two parts – the first part concerns judges and the second part concerns prosecutors. Th e part concerning judges was divided into four chapters: the first one is dedicated to the presentation of investigations and disciplinary proceedings (so-called hard repression), the second – other types of repression (so-called soft repression), the third – perpetrators of repression and persons whose described behaviour, in the opinion of the authors of the report, should be carefully assessed whether they do not constitute a misappropriation of professional ethics by participating in the process of abolishing the independence of the judiciary, and the fourth part – public statements by representatives of political authorities defaming judges.

 

The second part is devoted to the repressions of independent prosecutors. The report is not an exhaustive study, it contains only the most blatant examples of repression and pressure on independent judges and prosecutors. Some cases of repression have not been included, either due to a lack of sufficient data or because the harassment of repressed judges and prosecutors has not been disclosed.

 

In the future, we will expand and complete the report with further cases. In our opinion, however, it gives some idea of the scale of the harassment that affects judges for one reason only, namely that they demand that the other authorities respect the Polish Constitution.

 

Those who own the courts have absolute power. As judges, we stand guard over the civil rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution. We pay a high price for this already, but we are ready to pay even the highest. We do not and will not agree to politicize the courts. We will not allow citizens to be deprived of their right to a fair trial before an impartial and independent court.

 

But what happens when we’re gone?

 

The Polish Judges

 

Read the full report



Author


Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland


More

Published

February 29, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandDisciplinary ChamberConstitutional Tribunaljudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsNational Council of the JudiciaryZbigniew Ziobrojudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionMałgorzata ManowskaAndrzej DudaCourt of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsMinister of JusticeAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesCJEUmuzzle lawJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCourt of Justice of the European UnionCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyNational Council for Judiciaryelections 2023media freedomelectionscriminal lawpresidential electionsJulia PrzyłębskaKamil ZaradkiewiczPiotr Schabdisciplinary commissionerjudiciaryelections 2020HungarySupreme Administrative Courtprosecutionpreliminary rulingsFirst President of the Supreme CourtDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaK 3/21harassmentNational ProsecutorBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralMichał LasotaŁukasz PiebiakPaweł JuszczyszynprosecutorsMarek Safjanimmunityfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiPrime MinisterSejmConstitutionCriminal ChamberCOVID-19Regional Court in KrakówIustitiaEuropean Arrest Warrantreformdisciplinary liability for judgesOSCEWojciech HermelińskiVenice CommissionMaciej FerekcourtsEU budgetMałgorzata GersdorfMinistry of JusticeExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberKrystian MarkiewiczNCJJustice Fundcommission on Russian influenceTHEMISLGBTPiSStanisław PiotrowiczPresident of the Republic of PolandLaw and JusticeJarosław DudziczconditionalitycorruptionLabour and Social Security ChamberAleksander StepkowskiStanisław Biernatfreedom of assemblycriminal proceedingsreformsconditionality mechanismCouncil of EuropeWłodzimierz WróbelNational Public ProsecutorAnna DalkowskaParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeP 7/20Andrzej StępkaConstitutional Tribunal PresidentPiotr Gąciarekmedia independenceCivil ChamberReczkowicz and Others v. PolandMay 10 2020 electionssuspensionProfessional Liability ChamberPresident of PolandNational Reconstruction PlanLex DudaK 7/21Xero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandBroda and Bojara v PolandparliamentSenateChamber of Professional LiabilityPiotr PrusinowskiTVPabortionNext Generation EUMichał WawrykiewiczArticle 6 ECHRLex Super OmniamediaEAWKrzysztof Parchimowiczelectoral codeLech GarlickiSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationMarcin RomanowskiSLAPPDidier ReyndersEwa ŁętowskaAmsterdam District CourtdefamationUrsula von der LeyenOrdo IurisAndrzej ZollNational Electoral Commissionacting first president of the Supreme CourtFreedom HouseArticle 7PM Mateusz MorawieckiJustice Defence Committee – KOSJarosław Wyrembak2017policeSupreme Court PresidentaccountabilityMirosław WyrzykowskiMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaStanisław RymarFerdynand RymarzAndrzej Rzeplińskielectoral processJerzy StępieńPiotr TulejaSupreme Audit OfficeZiobroSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczOKO.presscourt presidentsWojciech MaczugaBohdan ZdziennickiMarek Zubikrestoration of the rule of lawJanusz Niemcewiczinsulting religious feelingsintimidation of dissentersvetotransferDariusz ZawistowskiOLAFViktor Orbanpublic mediaMaciej MiteraJózef IwulskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczWojciech ŁączkowskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStefan JaworskiAdam JamrózMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaTeresa Dębowska-Romanowskajudcial independencedemocratic backslidingJoanna Misztal-KoneckaInternational Criminal CourtK 6/21Astradsson v IcelandJakub IwaniecXero Flor v. PolandrecommendationKrakówUkrainePegasusdecommunizationJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraEdyta Barańskaright to fair trialCentral Anti-Corruption BureauLaw on the NCJsurveillanceMariusz Kamińskistate of emergencyBelarusAdam SynakiewiczKrystyna PawłowiczThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europepublic opinion pollmilestonesMarek PietruszyńskiMichał LaskowskireportMarzanna Piekarska-Drążeksmear campaignMariusz MuszyńskiDariusz DrajewiczMarian BanaśMaciej TaborowskiPaweł FilipekRafał PuchalskiKonrad WytrykowskiHuman Rights CommissionerCCBEtransparencylex NGOPiebiak gateZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczLGBT ideology free zoneselections integrityelections fairnessJarosław GowinPATFoxMarcin Warchołhuman rightsAdam TomczyńskiGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesFree CourtsEuropean Association of JudgesEuropean ParliamentPiotr PszczółkowskiEwa Wrzosek11 January March in Warsawcriminal codecourt changesBelgiumcivil societyDariusz Kornelukabuse of state resourcesBogdan ŚwięczkowskiRussiaSLAPPscoronavirusC-791/19EU law primacylexTuskNetherlandsretirement ageenvironmentE-mail scandalWiesław KozielewiczJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczMarek JaskulskiOsiatyński'a ArchiveGrzegorz FurmankiewiczWałęsa v. PolandinvestmentUS State DepartmentTomasz SzmydtEwa ŁąpińskaIvan MischenkoAndrzej SkowronAssessment ActKasta/AntykastaChamber of Professional ResponsibilityMonika FrąckowiakArkadiusz CichockiThe Codification Committee of Civil LawEmilia SzmydtPaweł StyrnaZbigniew Łupinacivil partnershipsLech WałęsaKatarzyna Chmuract on the Protection of the PopulatioMałgorzata Wąsek-WiaderekJarosław MatrasPaulina AslanowiczKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in Krakówsame-sex unionsRafał Wojciechowskicivil partnerships billKRSDobrochna Bach-GoleckaNational Broadcasting CouncilJudicial ReformsMarek Astelection fairnessKrystyna Morawa-Fryźlewiczlegislationstrategic investmentKatarzyna KotulaArkadiusz RadwanGeneral Court of the EUIrena BochniakStanisław Zdungag lawsuitsAntykastalex RaczkowskiAleksandra RutkowskaPiotr RaczkowskiŁukasz Bilińskithe Spy ActdisinformationRome Statutelex WośAct sanitising the judiciarypilot-judgmentJakub KwiecińskiKarolina MiklaszewskaPoznańDariusz BarskiLasotainsultKoan LenaertsAnti-SLAPP DirectiveKarol WeitzHater Scandaljustice system reformDonald TuskKaspryszyn v PolanddiscriminationNCR&DNCBiRright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawVěra JourováRafał LisakMałgorzata FroncJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)Act on the Supreme CourtMarcin MatczakState Tribunaltest of independenceelectoral commissionsDariusz Dończykcodification commissionEuropean Court of HudelegationsAdam GendźwiłłWatchdog PolskaoppositionKrzysztof RączkaJoanna Scheuring-WielgusElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSebastian MazurekThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFTomasz Koszewskicivil lawMarcin KrajewskiBohdan BieniekC‑718/21Zbigniew Kapińskipreliminary referencerepairing the rule of lawEU lawethicsDonald Tusk governmentAnna Głowacka#RecoveryFilesCourt of Appeal in Warsawmedia pluralismMichał Dworczykextraordinary commissionMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakRadosław BaszukJustice MinistryJustyna WydrzyńskaAction PlanNGOFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRNational Council for the JudiciaryAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeJoanna KnobelCrimes of espionagePiotr HofmańskiDworczyk leaksEU valuesGrzęda v PolandŻurek v PolandSobczyńska and Others v PolandRafał Trzaskowskimedia lawPrzemysła RadzikElżbieta KarskaJacek CzaputowiczPrzemysław Czarnekhate speechhate crimesENCJIsraelforeign agents lawWojciech SadurskiOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeFirst President of the Suprme CourtLGBT free zonesequalityChamber of Extraordinary Verificationlegislative practiceENAZbigniew BoniekForum Współpracy Sędziówpublic broadcastermutual trustLMIrelandIrena MajcherAmsterdamthe Regional Court in WarsawUnited NationsSimpson judgmentAK judgmentOmbudsmanKraśnikNorwayNorwegian fundsNorwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsC-487/19Article 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieLeszek Mazurinfringment actionpopulismLIBE CommitteeFrans TimmermansUS Department of StateSwieczkowskiadvocate generalpress releaseRights and Values ProgrammeC-619/18defamatory statementsStanisław ZabłockiCouncil of the EUequal treatmentfundamental rightsCT PresidentEUWhite Paperlustrationtransitional justice2018Nations in TransitWorld Justice Project awardjudgePechKoen LenaertsharrassmentAlina CzubieniakGerard BirgfellerEwa Maciejewskapostal votepostal vote billresolution of 23 January 2020Leon Kieresrepressive actAct of 20 December 2019KochenovEvgeni TanchevFreedom in the WorldECJFrackowiakAmnesty Internationaltrans-Atlantic valuesLSOlawyersPKWIpsosLux VeritatisMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykTVNjournalistslexTVNPolish mediaRzeszówborderPolish National FoundationEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258clientelismoligarchic systemprimacyEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawErnest BejdaJacek SasinSłupsk Regional CourtMaciej RutkiewiczMirosław Wróblewskiright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychMichał WośMinistry of FinancePorozumienie dla PraworządnościEducation Ministerinterim measuresC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruCelmerGermanyautocratizationMultiannual Financial Frameworkabortion rulingproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońJacek KurskiKESMAIndex.huSebastian KaletaC-156/21C-157/21Marek PiertuszyńskiNational Prosecutor’s OfficeBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOlsztyn courtEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeForum shoppingTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerKlubrádióGazeta WyborczaPollitykaBrussels IRome IIArticle 2Przemysła Czarnek