Poland’s National Public Prosecutor is going to war with the Netherlands

Share

Journalist covering law and politics for OKO.press. Previously journalist at Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Polska The Times, Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.

More

National Public Prosecutor Bogdan Święczkowski sent an order to the prosecutors to block European Arrest Warrants issued by the Netherlands. He did this in retaliation for the court in Amsterdam suspending the enforcement of an EAW from Poland in connection with the restriction of the independence of Polish courts



The National Public Prosecutor Bogdan Święczkowski sent the order to the district prosecutors in mid-October. They are to hand it over to their subordinated prosecution offices.

 

In the order, Świączkowski, a close associate of Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro, orders the prosecutors to ‘conduct a thorough analysis of the European Arrest Warrants (EAW) issued by the Dutch authorities for the existence of obligatory grounds for refusing to fulfill them’.

 

Święczkowski has also ordered the public prosecutors to inform the National Public Prosecutor’s Office about all EAWs from the Kingdom of the Netherlands and requires them to report on the actions they are taking in these cases. In particular, the prosecutors need to assess the EAW in terms of the independence and impartiality of the Dutch judiciary.

 

“As the Netherlands does to Poland, so Poland does to the Netherlands”

In the letter sent to the regional public prosecutor’s offices, Święczkowski is not hiding the fact that his order is a retaliation for the decision of the court in Amsterdam, which suspended the execution of EAWs from Poland regarding the extradition of Polish citizens on 31 July 2020.

 

The court in Amsterdam suspended such cases because it referred questions for a preliminary ruling to the CJEU about an EAW regarding a Pole suspected of being a drug courier. The questions apply to whether people suspected of having committed crimes can be extradited to Poland under an EAW if in doubt about the independence of Polish courts. Because there are concerns about whether they can count on a fair trial.

 

Święczkowski believes the suspension of all EAWs from Poland by the Dutch court for this reason constitutes a breach of European law and may be a way of circumventing Article 7 of the treaty on European Union. This article refers to the breach of the values of the EU by a Member State and provides for the procedure of analysing the breach of these values. According to Święczkowski, the Netherlands would be able to suspend the consideration of a Polish EAW, but only after these procedures end and after Poland is found to have seriously breached EU values. Meanwhile, this has not happened. Therefore, he considers that the principle of the mutual recognition of judgments by EU Member States is still applicable.

 

Święczkowski reiterates that an EAW is based on ‘a high degree of trust in relations between Member States, which is manifested in the minimization of the grounds for refusal’. ‘In the situation that has arisen, given the failure of the authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to respect the principle of mutual trust regarding matters related to EAWs issued by Polish courts, we need to proceed as specified in the introduction,’ Bogdan Święczkowski instructs the public prosecutors.

 

What are the public prosecutors to assess?

It arises from the National Prosecutor’s letter that the prosecutors are to investigate all premises that could constitute grounds for refusing to implement Dutch EAWs.

 

These are referred to in Article 607p, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Procedures Code: ‘The execution of a European warrant shall be refused if:

 

  • in the case of the jurisdiction of Polish criminal courts, the crime to which the European arrest warrant applies is subject to remission through an amnesty;
  • a final judgment has been issued with respect to the person being prosecuted in another state for the same deeds and, in the event of a conviction for the same deeds, the person being prosecuted is serving or has served a sentence or the sentence cannot be enforced according to the law of the state in which the conviction was made;
  • a final decision has been made to transfer the person being prosecuted to another European Union Member State;
  • the person to whom the European warrant applies is not criminally liable under Polish law for the deeds constituting the grounds of the European arrest warrant because of his age;
  • this would breach human and civil rights and freedoms;
  • the order is issued for a non-violent crime for political reasons’.

 

In turn, the second paragraph of this provision states that ‘if the European arrest warrant is issued with respect to the person being prosecuted, who is a Polish citizen, the warrant may be executed on condition that the deed to which the European arrest warrant applies was not committed in Poland or on a Polish ship or aircraft and would constitute a crime under the law of the Republic of Poland or would constitute a crime under the law of the Republic of Poland if committed in Poland, both at the time that it is committed and at the time of receipt of the European warrant.’

 

Święczkowski states that Article 607s, paragraph 1 of the Criminal Procedures Code needs to be applied, in particular: ‘A European arrest warrant issued for the purpose of enforcing a sentence of imprisonment or a measure involving the deprivation of freedom of the person being prosecuted, who is a Polish citizen or who is taking advantage of the right of asylum in Poland is not enforceable if Poland does not agree to surrender him’.

 

Furthermore, the National Public Prosecutor expects that the premises for refusal will be examined for whether the people being prosecuted by the Netherlands will be able to count on a trial there before an independent and impartial court.

 

How can Dutch EAWs be blocked?

It is not without reason that the National Public Prosecutor is ordering the assessment of the independence of Dutch courts, because the Regional Court in Warsaw recently refused to extradite a Dutch couple who fled to Poland with their child for this reason. They did so because their child was placed in a foster home in the Netherlands. Meanwhile, while refusing to execute the EAW, the court in Warsaw accused the Dutch judiciary of a lack of independence and a potential threat of euthanasia to the child if he were to return to his country. This judgment was also passed in retaliation for the suspension of Polish requests by the court in Amsterdam.

 

Prosecutors can fulfil Bogdan Święczkowski’s order, but they do not have to. However, there will be disciplinary cases for those who are unwilling to do so.

 

We asked one of the experienced prosecutors for a commentary:

‘The principle of reciprocity in recognizing court decisions and EAWs is not about retaliating. The examination of EAWs is not diplomacy that enables retaliatory steps to be taken. There are no reasons for undermining the independence of the Dutch courts. Święczkowski’s correspondence is rather an expression of a political game, a manifesto.

 

However, I would like to reiterate that it is not the public prosecutor who issues the judgment on the EAW, but the court. The prosecutor appears in such cases and can take a stance. But the decision rests with the court,’ the public prosecutor says.

 

This is confirmed by attorney Wojciech Wiza, whose law firm in Poznań represents clients in EAW cases. ‘Applications are sent from abroad to the prosecutor’s offices which have jurisdiction over the place where the person being prosecuted is staying. The public prosecutor then sends the application to the regional court with jurisdiction as a representative of the state issuing the EAW. He can also take a stance on this. So far, I have not witnessed the Polish prosecutor’s office blocking the transfer of the EAW to the court to date,’ attorney Wiza comments.

 

The EAW is mainly examined by Judge Dariusz Łubowski at the Regional Court in Warsaw. He has been adjudicating since 1993. He has been the head of the international crime section of the Regional Court in Warsaw since August 2018 and, since January 2019, he has also been the international crime and human rights coordinator at that court. He took on this function after the previous coordinating judge and head of the section moved to the Court of Appeal in Warsaw.

 

‘When the Judge was being appointed to this position, the president of the court took into account his outstanding knowledge and extensive experience in the international aspects of criminal law, as well as his fluency in foreign languages, including German, English, French and Russian,’ wrote the press office of Warsaw’s regional court in response to our questions. And indeed the judge has such experience. It was he who refused to extradite a couple from the Netherlands who had fled to Poland with their child. Or was this a retaliation against the Kingdom of the Netherlands or was he guided by a conservative view?

 

The Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Warsaw also requested a refusal to extradite the couple. And this is precisely what Święczkowski wants. Although the court issues the decision, the prosecutor’s office can boycott Dutch EAWs in retaliation.



Author


Journalist covering law and politics for OKO.press. Previously journalist at Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Polska The Times, Dziennik Gazeta Prawna.


More

Published

October 25, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesmuzzle lawCJEUJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekCourt of Justice of the European UnionNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyPiotr Schabjudiciarypresidential electionselectionscriminal lawKamil Zaradkiewiczelections 2023disciplinary commissionermedia freedomJulia PrzyłębskaK 3/21First President of the Supreme Courtelections 2020harassmentSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaprosecutionHungaryMichał LasotaprosecutorsBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorŁukasz PiebiakConstitutionEuropean Arrest WarrantPrime Ministerfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiCOVID-19Marek SafjanVenice CommissionSejmimmunityCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówIustitiaMaciej FerekMałgorzata GersdorfreformMinistry of JusticeNCJExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberOSCEcourtsWojciech Hermelińskidisciplinary liability for judgesEU budgetcorruptionStanisław PiotrowiczNational Public Prosecutorcriminal proceedingsCouncil of EuropeAnna DalkowskaLGBTJustice FundPresident of the Republic of PolandWłodzimierz Wróbelconditionality mechanismTHEMISKrystian MarkiewiczAleksander StepkowskiStanisław BiernatPiSreformsLaw and Justicecommission on Russian influenceLabour and Social Security ChamberJarosław Dudziczconditionalityfreedom of assemblyPresident of PolandChamber of Professional LiabilityOrdo Iurismedia independenceDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. PolandSLAPPStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsSupreme Court PresidentMarcin Romanowskielectoral codeAndrzej StępkaArticle 7Piotr PrusinowskiSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeTVPmediaLech GarlickiLex Super OmniapoliceabortionNext Generation EUUrsula von der LeyenEAWJustice Defence Committee – KOSAmsterdam District CourtdefamationKrzysztof ParchimowiczFreedom HouseMichał WawrykiewiczEwa ŁętowskaArticle 6 ECHRMay 10 2020 elections2017Piotr GąciarekPegasussuspensionP 7/20acting first president of the Supreme CourtNational Electoral CommissionK 7/21PM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej ZollJarosław WyrembakLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberCivil Chamberparliamentcivil societyNational Reconstruction PlanConstitutional Tribunal PresidentAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraKrakówBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaJanusz NiemcewiczAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczAdam Synakiewiczstate of emergencyWojciech ŁączkowskiEdyta BarańskaMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaJoanna Misztal-Koneckajudcial independenceMaciej MiteraDariusz KornelukViktor OrbanOLAFrestoration of the rule of lawvetoMariusz KamińskisurveillanceK 6/21Józef IwulskiAstradsson v IcelandCentral Anti-Corruption BureauPATFoxSLAPPsTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaaccountabilityUkraineKrystyna PawłowiczRafał PuchalskitransparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressright to fair trialDariusz DrajewiczPaweł FilipekMaciej Taborowskismear campaigninsulting religious feelingsNational Prosecutor’s OfficeMariusz MuszyńskiBelaruselectoral processcourt presidentsMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekmilestonesWojciech MaczugaMichał LaskowskiMarian BanaśJakub IwaniecSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy Stępieńelections fairnessAndrzej RzeplińskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękFerdynand RymarzInternational Criminal CourtMarek PietruszyńskiMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiXero Flor v. Polandpublic mediaSupreme Audit OfficelexTuskcourt changeselections integrityMarek ZubikKonrad Wytrykowskiabuse of state resourcesGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesEuropean ParliamentZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin Warchoł11 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesZiobroFree CourtsdecommunizationEwa WrzosekEU law primacyhuman rightsPiebiak gaterecommendationreportLaw on the NCJlex NGORussiaCCBEpublic opinion pollHuman Rights CommissionerJarosław GowinPiotr PszczółkowskiLGBT ideology free zonesC-791/19coronaviruscriminal coderetirement ageNetherlandsAdam Tomczyńskidemocratic backslidingintimidation of dissentersThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeBogdan ŚwięczkowskitransferBelgiumJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitCouncil of the EUElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikKatarzyna ChmuraSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiLIBE Committeedefamatory statementsMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaNGOKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczIrena BochniakoppositionEuropean Court of Huelectoral commissionsAct on the Supreme CourtdiscriminationJakub KwiecińskiWorld Justice Project awardTomasz Koszewskitest of independenceDariusz DończykGrzegorz FurmankiewiczAntykastaStanisław ZdunAdam Gendźwiłł2018Wojciech SadurskiFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRMarek Jaskulskirepairing the rule of lawadvocate generalpress release#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksE-mail scandalAndrzej SkowronRights and Values ProgrammeTomasz SzmydtŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakEmilia SzmydtSwieczkowskiKasta/AntykastaBohdan BieniekStanisław ZabłockiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczFrans TimmermansMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakUS Department of StateMarcin KrajewskiEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Arkadiusz CichockiCT PresidentMarcin Matczakequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)codification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotafundamental rightsState Tribunalinsultcivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billKRSJudicial Reformsmigration strategyPenal CodeLGBTQ+NIKProfetosame-sex unionsKatarzyna Kotulacivil partnershipsHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsPiotr HofmańskiC‑718/21preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil LawInvestigationPoznańKrzysztof Rączkaextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment ActCrimes of espionageJoanna KnobelAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna Wydrzyńskaenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDobrochna Bach-Goleckaelection fairnessNational Broadcasting Councilgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUDonald Tusk governmentjudgePrzemysław CzarnekJózsef SzájerRafał TrzaskowskiKlubrádióSobczyńska and Others v PolandŻurek v PolandGazeta WyborczaGrzęda v PolandPollitykaJelenmedia lawIndex.huJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMABrussels IRome IILGBT free zonesFirst President of the Suprme CourtBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekequalityMarek PiertuszyńskiChamber of Extraordinary VerificationArticle 2Forum shoppinghate speechEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian Kaletahate crimesC-156/21C-157/21Education Ministerthe Regional Court in Warsawproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmermutual trustabortion rulingLMUnited NationsLeszek MazurAmsterdamIrena Majcherinterim measuresIrelandautocratizationMultiannual Financial FrameworkC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekENAArticle 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actpublic broadcasterForum Współpracy SędziówSimpson judgmentAK judgmentlegislative practiceforeign agents lawrepressive actMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitLSOtrans-Atlantic valuesDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandAmnesty InternationalThe First President of the Supreme CourtErnest BejdaJacek Sasinright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychAct of 20 December 2019Michał WośMinistry of FinancelawyersFrackowiakPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikKochenovPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the PopulatioPechlegislationlex WośKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in KrakówMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryECJMarek AstFreedom in the WorldEvgeni TanchevRome StatuteIsraelEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeEU valuesPolish National FoundationLux Veritatisinfringment actionMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykPKWENCJoligarchic systemclientelismIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258Leon Kieresresolution of 23 January 2020Telex.huEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtAlina CzubieniakMaciej RutkiewiczharrassmentMirosław WróblewskiprimacyborderGerard BirgfellerTVNjournalistslexTVNpostal vote billPolish mediapostal voteEwa MaciejewskaRzeszówKoen Lenaerts