‘Wyborcza’ reveals: This is how the judges were pressured in the case of the fine for neo-NCJ head, Dagmara Pawełczyk-Woicka

Share

Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland

More

Zbigniew Ziobro’s schoolmate and simultaneously the head of the politicised NCJ, Dagmara Pawełczyk-Woicka, will not have to pay a fine. The decision was made in bizarre circumstances, with one of the judges reporting the suspicion of the court ruling having been illegally influenced.



The article was first published in Polish in Gazeta Wyborcza on December 2, 2022.

 

by Jarosław Sidorowicz

 

 

‘This is an unbelievable matter, blatant influence with the decisions of an independent court. I cannot believe something like this has happened here,’ said a Kraków judge requesting anonymity.

 

As ‘Wyborcza’ found out, Judge Elżbieta Jabłońska-Malik – the presiding judge of the appeal division in the Regional Court in Kraków – was first to apply pressure to two judges to withdraw the motion to impose a fine on Judge Dagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaShe is Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro’s schoolmate and head of the politicised National Council of the Judiciary.

 

Then, suddenly, two judges on the bench were replaced and the new judges – who are associated with Ziobro’s ministry – decided to revoke Pawełczyk-Woicka’s penalty.  Wojciech Maczuga, who had previously imposed a PLN 3,000 fine on the head of the neo-NCJ, was the judge rapporteur in this case.

 

This was a fine for refusing four times to release documents that were needed for the test of independence of Judge Karolina Miklaszewska, whose career had progressed rapidly under the Law and Justice (PiS) government. She was also the presiding judge in the Wadowice court which was dealing with a case of harassment.

 

After the verdict, the case went to the appeal division of the Regional Court in Kraków. The appeal was handled by a three-person panel: Judge Rafał Lisak as the presiding judge, Judge Małgorzata Fronc and precisely Judge Maczuga as the rapporteur.

 

Judge Maczuga: The judges were being pressured

Judge Maczuga: ‘Judge Rafał Lisak called me on 24 November. He said there was a problem with my decision to impose a fine [on Pawełczyk-Woicka], there was an argument about this and that the head of the appeals division, Judge Elżbieta Jabłońska-Malik, had come to see him about it.

 

She told him she had not sent this decision out and that he should issue an order not to send this decision and not to execute it. From what he said, it transpired that he told her that the decision had been made, was enforceable and that he would not issue such an order. He was then told that this could be taken to the hearing on 25 November, I could be outvoted, that these documents are unnecessary, the fine could be revoked and the trial could end without the documents being pulled from the neo-NCJ. Judge Lisak was shocked that someone could come to him and say something like that. And that it would be best if the trial were not held on 25 November. I replied that I did not know why it should not take place and that I would do nothing of the kind. I heard that we need to think about it.’

 

Judge Maczuga says that, later that same day, he went to Judge Lisak, who repeated what he had said earlier.

 

He added that, on that same day, he also had a phone call from the other judge from the bench, Małgorzata Fronc. ‘She was shouting that there was pressure in the case, that she had already stopped taking phone calls from the head of department and that it would be best if the case did not take place. She argued that perhaps the test should be dropped. I said the test should be performed, she said she would think about what to do next.’

 

Judges take leave on demand

In the morning of 25 November, just before the hearing, Judge Maczuga first received a text message from Judge Fronc stating that she was taking leave on demand. A short while later, he received the same information from Judge Lisak.

 

Later that day, two on-call judges joined the bench in their place: Jędrzej Dessoulavy-Śliwiński and Sebastian Mazurek. They outvoted Judge Maczuga and decided to close the harassment trial without conducting the test of Judge Miklaszewska and waiting for the documents from the neo-NCJ. Judge Maczuga’s objections were not put on record. 

 

The verdict on harassment was passed last Wednesday. Maczuga still applied for a re-trial, unsuccessfully. He therefore filed a dissenting opinion.

 

Immediately after the verdict, Judge Dessoulavy-Śliwiński put the cancellation of the fine imposed on Pawelczyk-Woicka to a vote. ‘According to the court, this activity has become unnecessary as judgment has been passed,’ said Dessoulavy-Śliwiński. And both he and Mazurek voted to cancel the fine.

 

Judge Maczuga again filed a dissenting opinion. Meanwhile, on Thursday, he reported the suspicion of a crime having been committed of the unlawful influencing of a court decision to the president of the Regional Court in Kraków.

 

Judge Jabłońska-Malik: I do not interfere with judgments

The head of the Appeals Division, Elżbieta Jabłońska-Malik, refused to talk to ‘Wyborcza’. ‘I do not interfere with the judgments of the judges in my division,’ she said, hanging up the phone.

 

Judge Lisak denies that there had been pressure: ‘I did not feel anything like that in such terms. This decision was commented on, but only that such a decision had been made.’

 

‘And who commented?’ we ask.

 

‘It was talked about, I don’t remember. It was talked about in the division, because this was the first time such a decision had been made in our division,’ replies Judge Lisak.

 

‘Was it a coincidence that you and Judge Fronc took leave on demand on the same day?’ we ask.

 

Lisak: ‘It’s difficult for me to comment on that, I had health-related duties. I’m not in a position to state whether it was a coincidence or not. I can only speak for myself.’

 

We were unable to contact Judge Fronc.

 

Doubts about Judge Miklaszewska’s impartiality

Judge Maczuga wanted to conduct a test of Judge Miklaszewska’s independence, because at the time of PiS rule – after a short period as a clerk (she refused to become an assessor) – she ran for the position of a judge and, despite the poor result at the College of the Regional Court, she received a nomination from the neo-NCJ. She was already president of the District Court in Wadowice after two years.

 

Given the rulings of the European tribunals on neo-judges appointed with the involvement of the politicised NCJ and the course of her career, Maczuga became doubtful that, as a judge, Miklaszewska was independent and impartial. He referred to the resolution of the three chambers of the Supreme Court and requested the authorities of the Regional Court in Kraków to provide the judge’s personnel file and the neo-NCJ to provide the documents related to her nomination.

 

Judge Maczuga had already, in another case, raised doubts as to whether, an assessor appointed by the neo-NCJ could have ruled at all, for which he was being investigated by the disciplinary commissioner of judges, Piotr Schab.

 

Pawełczyk-Woicka refused to send Miklaszewska’s documents. She had previously entered into a fierce dispute with the Kraków judges questioning the changes to the judiciary introduced by PiS. She suspended or transferred anyone who refused to recognise the judgments passed by judges appointed with the involvement of the neo-NCJ, to other departments. And one of her first decisions was to dismiss Judge Waldemar Żurek, a judge known for defending the rule of law, from his position as spokesperson for the Regional Court in Kraków.

 

Judges on secondment from Ziobro

In turn, Judge Dessoulavy-Śliwiński received his nomination as a regional court judge in October 2021. In one case – while assessing a defence counsel’s motion to remove a judge seconded on the basis of a decision of the Minister of Justice (the EU Court of Justice has questioned such secondments, indicating that judges can be dependent on Zbigniew Ziobro in this way) – he wrote in the justification: ‘The case law of the CJEU directly regarding that body’s assessments of the organisation of the judiciary in a Member State of the European Union is of no significance to the assessment of the guarantees of the independence of judges and the independence of judges. The CJEU does not have the competence to speak up in a binding manner on this. (…) A national court of a sovereign state, as is currently the Republic of Poland, should disregard such views as being harmful to the legal order.’

 

During Pawełczyk-Woicka’s presidency, Dessoulavy-Śliwiński also became deputy disciplinary commissioner for the Kraków judges.  He also signed Pawełczyk-Woicka’s list of support when she was standing for a second term of office in the neo-NCJ this year.

 

A Kraków judge requesting anonymity: ‘Dessoulavy-Śliwiński previously had nothing to do with Kraków; he was a judge from Bydgoszcz and had previously applied several times for a nomination to the office of regional court judge. He worked at the Ministry of Justice, where he met Dariusz Pawłyszcze [the current director of the National School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution, privately Pawełczyk-Woicka’s partner]. Soon afterwards, he ended up in Kraków, where Dagmara Pawełczyk-Woicka was already the head of the regional court.

 

Judge Sebastian Mazurek is also at the Regional Court in Kraków on a ministerial secondment.

 

As Judge Maczuga points out, Dessoulavy-Śliwiński and Mazurek did not even have a chance to read the case files in which Miklaszewska was passing judgment. Even so, the hearing took place in the changed composition of the bench.

 

Translated by Roman Wojtasz



Author


Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland


More

Published

December 7, 2022

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandDisciplinary ChamberConstitutional Tribunaljudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsIgor TuleyaAdam Bodnardisciplinary systemCJEUmuzzle lawJarosław Kaczyńskineo-judgesNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsCourt of Justice of the European UniondemocracyNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikWaldemar Żurekdisciplinary commissionermedia freedomKamil Zaradkiewiczcriminal lawelectionspresidential electionsPiotr Schabelections 2023judiciaryJulia PrzyłębskaharassmentK 3/21First President of the Supreme CourtprosecutionSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsHungaryDagmara Pawełczyk-Woickaelections 2020Michał LasotaŁukasz PiebiakNational ProsecutorBeata MorawiecPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynRecovery FundprosecutorsRegional Court in KrakówConstitutionfreedom of expressionimmunityEuropean Arrest WarrantIustitiaMaciej NawackiPrime MinisterSejmCriminal ChamberMarek SafjanCOVID-19Venice CommissionExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberWojciech HermelińskiMałgorzata GersdorfMinistry of Justicedisciplinary liability for judgesreformMaciej FerekOSCEEU budgetcourtsStanisław Biernatcommission on Russian influenceAnna DalkowskacorruptionLGBTcriminal proceedingsStanisław PiotrowiczconditionalityJustice Fundconditionality mechanismWłodzimierz WróbelCouncil of EuropeNational Public ProsecutorPiSreformsNCJfreedom of assemblyLaw and JusticeAleksander StepkowskiJarosław DudziczKrystian MarkiewiczTHEMISLabour and Social Security ChamberPresident of the Republic of PolandPiotr GąciarekMay 10 2020 electionsOrdo IurisLex DudaPresident of Poland2017Lex Super OmniaAndrzej StępkaEwa ŁętowskaMichał WawrykiewiczArticle 6 ECHREAWUrsula von der LeyenParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeLech GarlickiTVPmediaabortionKrzysztof ParchimowiczdefamationAmsterdam District CourtStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationSLAPPXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandBroda and Bojara v PolandDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. Polandmedia independenceSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramMarcin RomanowskiNext Generation EUacting first president of the Supreme CourtsuspensionPiotr PrusinowskiChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsJustice Defence Committee – KOSChamber of Professional LiabilityCivil ChamberFreedom HouseConstitutional Tribunal PresidentNational Reconstruction PlanPM Mateusz MorawieckiK 7/21Professional Liability ChamberparliamentSupreme Court PresidentNational Electoral CommissionArticle 7policeP 7/20Andrzej ZollJarosław Wyrembakelectoral codeelectoral processStefan JaworskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaSzymon Szynkowski vel SękKonrad WytrykowskiWojciech ŁączkowskiInternational Criminal CourtMarek MazurkiewiczAndrzej MączyńskiOLAFUkraineJanusz NiemcewiczAdam Jamrózright to fair trialEdyta BarańskaJakub IwaniecDariusz Drajewiczrestoration of the rule of lawMaciej Miterapublic mediaJózef IwulskiMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekViktor Orbanjudcial independencevetomilestonesTeresa Dębowska-Romanowskasmear campaignKazimierz DziałochaWojciech Maczugacourt presidentsRafał PuchalskiMirosław GranatMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaPaweł Filipekstate of emergencySLAPPsXero Flor v. PolandAstradsson v IcelandK 6/21transparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressBelarusPATFoxMichał LaskowskiMaciej TaborowskiMariusz MuszyńskiKrystyna PawłowiczMarian BanaśSupreme Audit OfficeAdam SynakiewiczMarek PietruszyńskiDariusz Kornelukabuse of state resourceselections fairnessJoanna Misztal-KoneckaMirosław Wyrzykowskiinsulting religious feelingsSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy StępieńAndrzej RzeplińskiFerdynand RymarzJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoralexTuskBohdan ZdziennickiaccountabilityKrakówPegasuselections integrityMariusz KamińskisurveillanceMarek ZubikCentral Anti-Corruption Bureaucourt changesStanisław RymarrecommendationMarcin WarchołHuman Rights CommissionerLGBT ideology free zonesEwa WrzosekreportEU law primacyPiotr PszczółkowskiJarosław Gowinhuman rightsFree Courtscivil societyZiobrocriminal codeZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczcoronavirusEuropean ParliamentC-791/1911 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesLaw on the NCJPiebiak gateretirement ageAdam TomczyńskiCCBEdecommunizationpublic opinion polllex NGOThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropetransferNetherlandsBelgiumintimidation of dissentersdemocratic backslidingRussiaBogdan ŚwięczkowskiGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesJerzy KwaśniewskiLIBE CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeNGOGrzegorz PudaPetros TovmasyanPiotr Mazurektest of independenceCouncil of the EUStanisław ZabłockiODIHRJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiMałgorzata Froncopposition2018Karolina MiklaszewskaAdam GendźwiłłDariusz DończykRafał LisakFull-Scale Election Observation MissionFrans TimmermanslegislationMarek JaskulskiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczEwa ŁąpińskaIrena BochniakZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Kasta/AntykastaGrzegorz Furmankiewiczdefamatory statementsKatarzyna Chmuralex WośPechRome StatutejudgeWorld Justice Project awardAntykastaStanisław ZdunKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczAndrzej SkowronŁukasz Bilińskipress releaseTomasz Szmydtadvocate generalrepairing the rule of lawSwieczkowskiBohdan BieniekMarcin KrajewskiUS Department of State#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakArkadiusz CichockiEmilia SzmydtRights and Values ProgrammeE-mail scandalDworczyk leaksMichał DworczykMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakGeneral Court of the EUVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveinsultState Tribunalfundamental rightsMarcin MatczakJustice MinistryAction PlanRadosław BaszukArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDonald Tusk governmentCT Presidentcivil lawequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil Lawcivil partnershipsKatarzyna Kotulasame-sex unionsC‑718/21Piotr HofmańskiHelsinki Foundation for Human Rightscodification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotaHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billAleksandra RutkowskaTomasz KoszewskiNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna WydrzyńskaAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszJoanna KnobelCrimes of espionageextraordinary commissionNCR&DKaspryszyn v PolandKarol WeitzJakub KwiecińskidiscriminationAct on the Supreme Courtelectoral commissionsEuropean Court of HuKrzysztof RączkaPoznańKoan LenaertsZbigniew KapińskiAnna Głowackathe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUNational Broadcasting Councilelection fairnessDobrochna Bach-GoleckaPiotr Raczkowskilex Raczkowskigag lawsuitsCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment Actenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiKochenovPrzemysław CzarnekIndex.huTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerŻurek v PolandKlubrádióGrzęda v PolandGazeta WyborczaKESMAJacek KurskiJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia lawRafał Trzaskowskimedia taxadvertising taxSobczyńska and Others v Polandhate speechPollitykaBrussels IMarek PiertuszyńskiLGBT free zonesNational Prosecutor’s OfficeFirst President of the Suprme CourtOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateequalityC-157/21Rome IIArticle 2Forum shoppinghate crimesChamber of Extraordinary VerificationEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian KaletaC-156/21Wojciech Sadurskilegislative practicethe Regional Court in Warsawabortion rulingpublic broadcasterproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz Krasońmutual trustMultiannual Financial FrameworkAmsterdamUnited NationsIrena MajcherLeszek MazurIrelandinterim measuresLMautocratizationForum Współpracy SędziówGermanyCelmerArticle 10 ECHRC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service ActSimpson judgmentAK judgmentENAAlina CzubieniakAct of 20 December 2019Jacek SasinErnest BejdaThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitMinistry of FinanceMichał WośMirosław WróblewskiharrassmentKoen Lenaertsright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman Giertychrepressive actlawyersLSODolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandFreedom in the WorldCourt of Appeal in KrakówPutinismKaczyńskiEvgeni TanchevPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-WiaderekECJMarek Asttrans-Atlantic valuesAmnesty InternationalPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryFrackowiakct on the Protection of the PopulatioMaciej RutkiewiczOlsztyn courtauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258clientelismoligarchic systemEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeENCJPolish National FoundationLux VeritatisPiotr BurasPiotr BogdanowiczPrzemysła CzarnekEducation Ministerforeign agents lawIsraelIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiEU valuesMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykRzeszówpostal voteborderprimacyEwa MaciejewskaEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional Courtmediabezwyborupostal vote billinfringment actionPKWLeon KieresTVNjournalistslexTVNresolution of 23 January 2020Polish mediaGerard Birgfeller