Attack of the disciplinary commissioners on Judge Żurek. ‘They are ridiculing themselves’

Share

Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland

More

Judge Waldemar Żurek heard as many as 64 disciplinary charges today from Disciplinary Commissioners Piotr Schab and Michał Lasota. They are also not ruling out notifying the public prosecutor’s office because they claim that Żurek committed a ‘falsification of judgments’. This applies to the dates on some of the court’s decisions being the same as the dates on which Żurek was present at NCJ meetings in Warsaw. Meanwhile, he adjudicates in Kraków.



by Magdalena Gałczyńska

 

  • ‘They are pursuing the classic Soviet principle: “we have Żurek, we just need to find a paragraph on him”,’ Judge Żurek himself tells Onet.
  • The commissioners charged Judge Żurek with 64 counts of disciplinary offences. However, during the conference, it transpired that this applied to only about 10 judgments; the remaining matters were court decisions, namely decisions of lesser importance.
  • The commissioners did not answer the question of whether the invalidity of a given judgment could arise from its incorrect date. They also did not state whether anyone was injured because of the entry of this potentially incorrect date.
  • The investigation is being handled by Deputy Disciplinary Commissioner Michał Lasota. According to Onet and OKO.press, he was a member of the Kasta/Antykasta group on WhatsApp, where the participants of the discussions were, on several occasions, planning ways of harming Judge Żurek, who is fighting for the independence of the courts.
  • It was precisely Lasota who was supposed to have enthusiastically accepted Łukasz Piebiak’s order issued on the group, to ‘smash a Caste member’. The participants of Kasta/Antykasta referred to judges who are critical of the changes implemented by the United Right as ‘kaściak’ [caste member].

 

Judge Waldemar Żurek of the Regional Court in Kraków is a former press officer of the last National Council of the Judiciary, which was elected apolitically. The ruling party interrupted the term of office of this NCJ in 2018. Judge Żurek is one of the more widely known defenders of judicial independence. And it is precisely him that the authorities want to discredit at any cost. The judge already has around 20 disciplinary or clarification proceedings – including for teaching children about the Constitution, he has been investigated by the Central Anticorruption Bureau and the services have raided his wife’s and parents’ homes.

 

The campaign to find dirt on him in the files of old cases has been in progress since last year. It was then, in the spring of 2021, that Deputy Disciplinary Commissioner Michał Lasota requested files on 122 cases from 2012–2018, when Żurek was a member of the NCJ, from Żurek’s home court, namely the Regional Court in Kraków.

 

It was precisely on the basis of the analysis of these files that Deputy Commissioner Lasota and his superior, Schab, decided to charge Judge Żurek with 64 counts of disciplinary offences. They are also not ruling out notifying the public prosecutor’s office because they claim that the judge committed a ‘falsification of judgments’. This applies to the dates on some of the court’s decisions being the same as the dates on which Żurek was present at NCJ meetings in Warsaw. Meanwhile, he adjudicates in Kraków.

 

The commissioners therefore claim that Judge Żurek signed court decisions with incorrect dates. Only, as it transpired, in most cases, these were not judgments but decisions of a lower rank, i.e. court decisions.

 

The commissioners did not answer the question of whether anyone had suffered any injury as a result of these incorrect dates being entered. They also refused to answer the question of whether the validity of these erroneously dated judgments should be overturned.

 

Fair proceedings?

 

Commissioner Schab claimed that the objective of the conference – probably the first since June 2018 when the central disciplinary commissioners came to office – was to inform the public about such appalling action by the judge. The fact that it is precisely Judge Żurek, whom the commissioners have been pursuing for years, is, as Schab and Lasota asserted, a complete coincidence. Meanwhile, they made the assurance that the proceedings would be conducted by Lasota absolutely reliably.

 

Questions about the fairness of the proceedings arose in the context of the Kasta/Antykasta group on WhatsApp written up by Onet and OKO.press. Its members in 2018 were to have included both Deputy Disciplinary Commissioner Lasota and Przemysław Radzik. It was within this group, under the auspices of former Deputy Minister of Justice Łukasz Piebiak that plans appeared, among other things, in order to injure Judge Żurek. Radzik wrote, among other things, that: ‘Żur will crap himself at the hearing with Buddy Michał (Lasota – ed.)’. Radzik also ordered that Mała Emi [Little Emi], i.e. Emilia Szmydt, who had previously been an internet hater, followed by a whistleblower who helped to expose the hate scandal, ‘anonymously’ reports Judge Żurek.

 

Meanwhile, in the Kasta/Antykasta group, Lasota enthusiastically accepted Piebiak’s order to ‘smash some Caste member’. People in the group referred to judges defending the independence of the courts as ‘kaściak’ [caste member]. In response to Piebiak’s post about ‘smashing a caste member’, Lasota wrote back that he already had several candidates for being charged. He also emphasised that – in line with the example of his colleague, Przemysław Radzik, the second deputy disciplinary commissioner – he would like to declare ‘today, tomorrow and Monday a day of the sad caste member’. As he added: ‘Let every day be a sad caste member day.’

 

We should emphasise that the prosecutor’s office, which is conducting proceedings to clarify the hate scandal – the third unit to handle this matter – has not come up with any results for almost three years.

Judge Zurek: It was the duty of the commissioners to demonstrate whether there was any damage. They did not prove it, because no one suffered any damage

 

‘Behind the scenes, everyone in the court knows that, before a ruling is finally issued and signed by judges from the bench – if a three-judge bench is adjudicating – a draft is first prepared. When a decision is being issued by a single judge, the judge also often prepares a draft and writes the date on it,’ Judge Żurek tells Onet. ‘And sometimes, this date is not changed, even if the decision is actually made later. This is a simple oversight, a clerical error, which is of absolutely no significance to the parties to the proceedings. Potentially, it could have if I were a judge in the criminal division, but I have always adjudicated in the civil division. Here, timing for the parties is measured from the moment they physically receive the court’s decision,’ he explains.

 

Judge Żurek points out that if the commissioners are pressing charges against him, they were required to specify whether anyone suffered any injury as a result of potentially erroneous dates on the court decisions. ‘Meanwhile, they have not mentioned anything of the kind, because no one has suffered any injury,’ he emphasises. ‘They should also specify any culpable actions on the part of all the judges who adjudicated with me in three-judge benches. They didn’t do this either,’ the judge points out. ‘I would also like to emphasise that, in such a three-judge bench, it is the clerk who enters the date on the draft decision. I cannot change the date, I only sign it,’ says Judge Żurek.

 

He emphasises that, after many years (the cases analysed by the commissioners apply to the years 2012–2018 – ed.), he is unable to check on which days he was at a meeting of the NCJ in the morning and in the courtroom in Kraków in the afternoon. ‘And there were a lot of such days, because I was working 24 hours a day then,’ he emphasises.

 

‘This is all about the media which are sympathetic to the government machinating against me. The commissioners are ridiculing themselves’.

 

‘It can now be plainly seen that the commissioners, who are involved in the hate scandal, not having been held accountable by the appropriate state authorities, are using the classic Soviet-era method against me: we have Żurek, we need to find a paragraph on him,’ the judge points out. ‘Only my files are being trawled so that the objective of this whole matter today is to bring about the media that are favourable to the government machinating against me,’ he says. ‘I will state clearly – anyone taking part in this legal banditry will one day have to face the public prosecutor. I will fight for their right to a defence, as well as to an impartial and fair court,’ he emphasises.

 

The judge recalls that there are serious doubts about the impartiality of the person handling the proceedings in his case. ‘We recently saw screenshots of discussions within the organised Kasta/Antykasta group, in which both deputy commissioners were active, including Mr Lasota, who is trawling my files,’ says Judge Żurek. ‘It can be clearly seen that they had plans to destroy me and drag me through the mud, so it’s no surprise to me what they are doing now – this matter will show what the “hunt for Żurek” looks like, and expose these inept hunters not only to criminal charges in the future, but also to ridicule,’ the judge concludes.

 

Translated by Roman Wojtasz

 

The article was published in Polish on Onet.pl.



Author


Everything you need to know about the rule of law in Poland


More

Published

June 1, 2022

Tags

Supreme CourtPolandConstitutional TribunalDisciplinary Chamberjudgesrule of lawdisciplinary proceedingsZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the Judiciaryjudicial independenceCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean CommissionEuropean UnionAndrzej DudaMałgorzata ManowskaCourt of JusticeMinister of JusticeEuropean Court of Human RightsAdam BodnarIgor Tuleyadisciplinary systemneo-judgesmuzzle lawCJEUJarosław KaczyńskiNational Recovery PlanMateusz MorawieckiCommissioner for Human RightsWaldemar ŻurekCourt of Justice of the European UnionNational Council for JudiciaryPrzemysław RadzikdemocracyPiotr Schabjudiciarypresidential electionselectionscriminal lawKamil Zaradkiewiczelections 2023disciplinary commissionermedia freedomJulia PrzyłębskaK 3/21First President of the Supreme Courtelections 2020harassmentSupreme Administrative Courtpreliminary rulingsDagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaprosecutionHungaryMichał LasotaprosecutorsBeata MorawiecRecovery FundPresidentProsecutor GeneralPaweł JuszczyszynNational ProsecutorŁukasz PiebiakConstitutionEuropean Arrest WarrantPrime Ministerfreedom of expressionMaciej NawackiCOVID-19Marek SafjanVenice CommissionSejmimmunityCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówIustitiaMaciej FerekMałgorzata GersdorfreformMinistry of JusticeNCJExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberOSCEcourtsWojciech Hermelińskidisciplinary liability for judgesEU budgetcorruptionStanisław PiotrowiczNational Public Prosecutorcriminal proceedingsCouncil of EuropeAnna DalkowskaLGBTJustice FundPresident of the Republic of PolandWłodzimierz Wróbelconditionality mechanismTHEMISKrystian MarkiewiczAleksander StepkowskiStanisław BiernatPiSreformsLaw and Justicecommission on Russian influenceLabour and Social Security ChamberJarosław Dudziczconditionalityfreedom of assemblyPresident of PolandChamber of Professional LiabilityOrdo Iurismedia independenceDidier ReyndersReczkowicz and Others v. PolandSLAPPStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationBroda and Bojara v PolandXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsSupreme Court PresidentMarcin Romanowskielectoral codeAndrzej StępkaArticle 7Piotr PrusinowskiSenateSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramParliamentary Assembly of the Council of EuropeTVPmediaLech GarlickiLex Super OmniapoliceabortionNext Generation EUUrsula von der LeyenEAWJustice Defence Committee – KOSAmsterdam District CourtdefamationKrzysztof ParchimowiczFreedom HouseMichał WawrykiewiczEwa ŁętowskaArticle 6 ECHRMay 10 2020 elections2017Piotr GąciarekPegasussuspensionP 7/20acting first president of the Supreme CourtNational Electoral CommissionK 7/21PM Mateusz MorawieckiAndrzej ZollJarosław WyrembakLex DudaProfessional Liability ChamberCivil Chamberparliamentcivil societyNational Reconstruction PlanConstitutional Tribunal PresidentAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraKrakówBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaStanisław RymarMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaJanusz NiemcewiczAndrzej MączyńskiMarek MazurkiewiczAdam Synakiewiczstate of emergencyWojciech ŁączkowskiEdyta BarańskaMirosław GranatKazimierz DziałochaJoanna Misztal-Koneckajudcial independenceMaciej MiteraDariusz KornelukViktor OrbanOLAFrestoration of the rule of lawvetoMariusz KamińskisurveillanceK 6/21Józef IwulskiAstradsson v IcelandCentral Anti-Corruption BureauPATFoxSLAPPsTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaaccountabilityUkraineKrystyna PawłowiczRafał PuchalskitransparencyDariusz ZawistowskiOKO.pressright to fair trialDariusz DrajewiczPaweł FilipekMaciej Taborowskismear campaigninsulting religious feelingsNational Prosecutor’s OfficeMariusz MuszyńskiBelaruselectoral processcourt presidentsMarzanna Piekarska-DrążekmilestonesWojciech MaczugaMichał LaskowskiMarian BanaśJakub IwaniecSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczPiotr TulejaJerzy Stępieńelections fairnessAndrzej RzeplińskiSzymon Szynkowski vel SękFerdynand RymarzInternational Criminal CourtMarek PietruszyńskiMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiXero Flor v. Polandpublic mediaSupreme Audit OfficelexTuskcourt changeselections integrityMarek ZubikKonrad Wytrykowskiabuse of state resourcesGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court JudgesEuropean ParliamentZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin Warchoł11 January March in WarsawEuropean Association of JudgesZiobroFree CourtsdecommunizationEwa WrzosekEU law primacyhuman rightsPiebiak gaterecommendationreportLaw on the NCJlex NGORussiaCCBEpublic opinion pollHuman Rights CommissionerJarosław GowinPiotr PszczółkowskiLGBT ideology free zonesC-791/19coronaviruscriminal coderetirement ageNetherlandsAdam Tomczyńskidemocratic backslidingintimidation of dissentersThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of EuropeBogdan ŚwięczkowskitransferBelgiumJoanna Scheuring-WielgusNations in TransitCouncil of the EUElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikKatarzyna ChmuraSebastian MazurekJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiLIBE Committeedefamatory statementsMałgorzata FroncRafał LisakKarolina MiklaszewskaNGOKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczIrena BochniakoppositionEuropean Court of Huelectoral commissionsAct on the Supreme CourtdiscriminationJakub KwiecińskiWorld Justice Project awardTomasz Koszewskitest of independenceDariusz DończykGrzegorz FurmankiewiczAntykastaStanisław ZdunAdam Gendźwiłł2018Wojciech SadurskiFull-Scale Election Observation MissionODIHRMarek Jaskulskirepairing the rule of lawadvocate generalpress release#RecoveryFilesmedia pluralismMichał DworczykDworczyk leaksE-mail scandalAndrzej SkowronRights and Values ProgrammeTomasz SzmydtŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakEmilia SzmydtSwieczkowskiKasta/AntykastaBohdan BieniekStanisław ZabłockiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczPetros TovmasyanJerzy KwaśniewskiPiotr MazurekGrzegorz PudaNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeWiesław KozielewiczFrans TimmermansMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakUS Department of StateMarcin KrajewskiEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaC-619/18Arkadiusz CichockiCT PresidentMarcin Matczakequal treatmentNational School of Judiciary and Public Prosecution (KSSiP)codification commissiondelegationsWatchdog PolskaDariusz BarskiLasotafundamental rightsState Tribunalinsultcivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reformAnti-SLAPP DirectiveHater ScandalpopulismNational Council for the Judiciarycivil partnerships billKRSJudicial Reformsmigration strategyPenal CodeLGBTQ+NIKProfetosame-sex unionsKatarzyna Kotulacivil partnershipsHelsinki Foundation for Human RightsPiotr HofmańskiC‑718/21preliminary referenceEU lawethicsChamber of Professional ResponsibilityThe Codification Committee of Civil LawInvestigationPoznańKrzysztof Rączkaextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a Archivetransitional justiceUS State DepartmentAssessment ActCrimes of espionageJoanna KnobelAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna Wydrzyńskaenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDobrochna Bach-Goleckaelection fairnessNational Broadcasting Councilgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationlustrationWhite PaperEUDonald Tusk governmentjudgePrzemysław CzarnekJózsef SzájerRafał TrzaskowskiKlubrádióSobczyńska and Others v PolandŻurek v PolandGazeta WyborczaGrzęda v PolandPollitykaJelenmedia lawIndex.huJacek CzaputowiczElżbieta KarskaPrzemysła Radzikmedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMABrussels IRome IILGBT free zonesFirst President of the Suprme CourtBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekequalityMarek PiertuszyńskiChamber of Extraordinary VerificationArticle 2Forum shoppinghate speechEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian Kaletahate crimesC-156/21C-157/21Education Ministerthe Regional Court in Warsawproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmermutual trustabortion rulingLMUnited NationsLeszek MazurAmsterdamIrena Majcherinterim measuresIrelandautocratizationMultiannual Financial FrameworkC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUC-487/19Norwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsNorwegian fundsNorwayKraśnikOmbudsmanZbigniew BoniekENAArticle 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service Actpublic broadcasterForum Współpracy SędziówSimpson judgmentAK judgmentlegislative practiceforeign agents lawrepressive actMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitLSOtrans-Atlantic valuesDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandAmnesty InternationalThe First President of the Supreme CourtErnest BejdaJacek Sasinright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychAct of 20 December 2019Michał WośMinistry of FinancelawyersFrackowiakPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikKochenovPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the PopulatioPechlegislationlex WośKaczyńskiPutinismCourt of Appeal in KrakówMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryECJMarek AstFreedom in the WorldEvgeni TanchevRome StatuteIsraelEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficeEU valuesPolish National FoundationLux Veritatisinfringment actionMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykPKWENCJoligarchic systemclientelismIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258Leon Kieresresolution of 23 January 2020Telex.huEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtAlina CzubieniakMaciej RutkiewiczharrassmentMirosław WróblewskiprimacyborderGerard BirgfellerTVNjournalistslexTVNpostal vote billPolish mediapostal voteEwa MaciejewskaRzeszówKoen Lenaerts