The authors, from Batory Foundation Idea Forum and ESI, argue that the Polish case is a test whether it is possible to create a Soviet-style justice system, where the control of courts, prosecutors and judges lies with the executive and a single party, in an EU member state.

In Poland reckoning with the Polish People’s Republic is still underway – and doesn’t look to end any time soon. It is nor hampered by death of people and groups publicly charged

The Assembly of Representatives of Judges of the Regional Court in Krakow draws attention to the fact that subordinated to the political factors law
enforcement authorities have been taking actions of repressive character towards judge Waldemar Żurek for the period of around 2 years. Recently, the newly
– appointed President of the Court has also taken actions of repressive character.

This response to the White Paper compendium presented by the Government of the Republic of Poland to the European Commission was prepared by the Polish Judges Association “Iustitia”, together with a team of experts, in order to present a realistic picture of the reforms of the Polish justice system, which have been made in Poland over the last two years.

The clock is ticking, in particular regarding the SC judges. It depends only on the Commission whether it will allow that the values expressed in Art. 2 TEU be merely set down on paper, or whether it will attempt to convince the CJEU that these values have – in the case of Poland – been breached. The green light shown by the CJEU could not be greener.

An outline of legal and constitututional developments in Poland under the rule of the Law and Justice Party, which include the threat of EU sanctions over reforms to the judiciary and the recently announced and highly controversial Holocaust bill

Report of the Stefan Batory Foundation Legal Expert Group on the impact of the judiciary reform in Poland in 2015-2018

“The two years that passed since November 2015 have brought the highest number of challenges and threats to human rights and freedoms in the entire post-1989 period”, reads today’s statement of the Helsinki Committee in Poland.

How is it that suddenly, out of nowhere, Poland, the precocious child of transformation, seems to be returning to the culture of mono-power?

A dramatic change occurred in Polish constitutional politics in 2015: a combined presidential and
parliamentary victory of the populist Law and Justice party [PiS] began a series of deep political and
legal changes which turned the constitutional order on its head in many respects.
In this paper, I provide a detailed account of how comprehensive and momentous the legal changes
are, in particular going so far as to dismantle institutional checks on the government (including
paralysis the Constitution al Tribunal, and then conversion of it into an active supporter of the government) and
to erode a number of individual and political rights, such as the right to assembly and privacy.