Strasbourg Steps in

Share

Professor at the SWPS University, Warsaw, Poland. Ombudsman for the 7th Parliamentary Term (09.2015-07.2021)

More

Concerted effort of the CJEU and the ECtHR may result in the hindering of some of the negative effects of changes in the judiciary. So far it has been the CJEU that has been active, with the courageous involvement of national judges and civil society - writes prof. Adam Bodnar, the Commissioner for Human Rights



The text has been published at Verfassungsblog and in Polish at Rzeczpospolita.

 

The European Court of Human Rights is recognised as a pearl in the crown of the Council of Europe system. The Strasbourg Court allows each of the 850 million inhabitants of the 47 Member States to submit an application if they believe their rights were breached. Polish citizens have repeatedly exercised this power, and the ECtHR has often found them right, forcing the Polish authorities to pay damages and take other corrective measures. It has given an impulse to carry out significant systemic changes in Polish law, such as e.g. Bug river claims compensation (Broniowski v. Poland, application no. 31443/96, judgment of 22 June 2004) or undue length of proceedings (Kudła v. Poland, application no. 30210/96, judgment of 26 November 2000).

 

Over the last 5 years, the European Court of Human Rights has essentially remained silent in most serious Polish cases. Even if the case was dealt with properly, such as exhumation of the Smolensk plane crash victims (Solska and Rybicka v. Poland, applications no. 30491/17 and 31083/17, judgment of 20 September 2018), this happened when the protesting families had already suffered from it. Legal changes of a revolutionary nature were sweeping through Poland at that time, and the voice of the Court was generally absent. The first communicated cases concerning the judiciary only came up in 2019.

 

The communication of the application means that the Government of the Republic of Poland must respond to it. Before the case is communicated, it is in principle known only to the ECtHR. Once the application has reached this procedural stage, the Government is required to present its own observations as to whether the application is admissible in terms of merit and procedure. The communication is published on the Court’s website. This allows the public to learn about the case, and NGOs or other interested parties may seek to present third-party intervention. Communication of the case does not, of course, prejudge the outcome of the proceedings. The case may end with inadmissibility decision, friendly settlement or judgment. But from the moment the application is communicated, a public dispute arises. It may not be ignored by the Polish Government. Moreover, in some situations a hearing may take place, and this definitely affects the publicity of the case. It is enough to mention the hearing on the liability of Poland for the location of a secret CIA prison.

 

In the context of changes in the judiciary in Poland, the ECHR in 2019 communicated the following cases:

  • Grzęda v Poland (application no 43572/18) – interruption of the term of office of a judge – member of the National Council of the Judiciary as a result of the ‘reform’ carried out in 2018;
  • Xero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. Poland (application no. 4907/18) – status of so-called double judges of the Constitutional Tribunal, i.e. those judges who have been appointed in December 2015 to already filled judicial posts;
  • Broda and Bojara v Poland (applications no 26691/18 and 27367/18) – removal of judges from their positions as court vice-presidents during their terms of office without giving reasons.

 

In 2020, more cases were communicated:

  • Żurek v Poland (application no 39650/18) – interruption of the term of office of a judge – member of the National Council of the Judiciary, and repressions associated with his role as spokesperson for the National Council of the Judiciary;
  • Sobczyńska and Others v Poland ( applications no 62765/14, 62769/14, 62772/14, 11708/18) – refusal by the President of the Republic of Poland to appoint a judge despite the positive recommendation of the National Council of the Judiciary – applications concern actions of both President Lech Kaczyński (made in 2007) and President Andrzej Duda;
  • Reczkowicz and Others v. Poland ( applications no 43447/19, 49868/19, 57511/19) – status of the Disciplinary Chamber and the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs of the Supreme Court.

 

In some of these cases the Commissioner of Human Rights, as well as some Polish NGOs, submitted third party interventions.

 

Most probably these are not all applications that are likely to be communicated by the ECtHR. One should especially expect the ECtHR’s interest in disciplinary cases against judges. The precedent case from Iceland, which concerns the influence of the executive on judicial appointments (Ástráðsson v. Iceland, application no. 26374/18, Chamber judgment of 12 March 2019, referred to the Grand Chamber) may also be of importance. It is not without reason that the Polish Government has joined the case.

 

Of course, at this stage, it is difficult to determine the outcome of the communicated cases. However, the analysis of Strasbourg cases concerning the independence of the judiciary from countries such as Ukraine, Russia, North Macedonia and Hungary may give rise to several reflections.

 

The ECtHR is sensitive to the importance of judicial independence in guaranteeing the right to a court. It has repeatedly addressed the institutional issues of the position of courts in the system of power and the impact on the provision of guarantees under Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Therefore, a meticulous assessment of the Polish solutions concerning the NCJ, the new chambers of the Supreme Court or even the composition of the Constitutional Tribunal can be expected.

 

The ECtHR is primarily a court of individual justice. In this context, it needs to analyse how institutional issues affect an individual whose rights have been breached. It may analyse facts, not only the law. This gives a better chance to grab the “bull by the horns” than, for example, the EU Court of Justice. It also creates space to highlight the situation of victims of the  breach. On the other hand, such judgments are much more difficult to enforce. Especially with regard to the so-called general measures (legislative changes), this requires a bit of goodwill on the part of the state concerned.

 

Judges may also be applicants under the Convention. Judgments favourable to them may lead to their individual enforcement. The example of Judge Oleksandr Volkov from Ukraine demonstrates that a judgment of the ECtHR may even result in the possibility of reinstatement to the highest judicial position that was lost (Oleksandr Volkov v. Ukraine, application no. 21722/11, judgment of 9 January 2013).

 

The mills of Strasbourg justice grind slowly and at times even very slowly. It is enough to take a look at the communication of the case of judges not appointed by President … Lech Kaczyński in 2007. It is in the interest of the Strasbourg Court not to delegitimize its own activities in matters of judicial independence due to too long a period of time in which applications are processed. The new President of the ECtHR, Robert Spano, represents the hope. His experience to date may be indicative of his sensitivity to issues of judicial independence. The Strasbourg Court may not only quickly adjudicate (but also apply interim measures in cases regarding the rule of law), but also exert additional pressure on the Polish Government by organising hearings. In addition, an international “debate” may arise on each case, due to the presentation of the opinion of a friend of the court by interested organisations and institutions. All this can offer hope to many judges awaiting justice.

 

Concerted effort of the CJEU and the ECtHR may result in the hindering of some of the negative effects of changes in the judiciary. So far it has been the CJEU that has been active, with the courageous involvement of national judges and civil society. As a result the CJEU has shaped the understanding of the principle of effective legal protection (Article 19 TEU), by issuing judgments in infringement proceedings and preliminary references cases. The second instrument – the ECtHR – has been almost unused. But it seems that by communicating cases the pianist has just approached the second piano and bowed to the audience. The audience will judge whether he can play to the notes and whether he is able to bring out a harmonious melody of the rule of law with the CJEU. If not, he will allow a shadow of authoritarianism to fall over another member state of the Council of Europe.



Author


Professor at the SWPS University, Warsaw, Poland. Ombudsman for the 7th Parliamentary Term (09.2015-07.2021)


More

Published

July 8, 2020

Tags

Supreme CourtDisciplinary ChamberConstitutional TribunalPolandjudgesdisciplinary proceedingsrule of lawZbigniew ZiobroNational Council of the JudiciaryCourt of Justice of the EUEuropean Commissionjudicial independenceEuropean UnionMałgorzata ManowskaAndrzej DudaCourt of JusticeIgor TuleyaEuropean Court of Human Rightsdisciplinary systemMinister of JusticeJarosław KaczyńskiMateusz MorawieckiCJEUmuzzle lawNational Recovery PlanAdam BodnarCommissioner for Human RightsdemocracyWaldemar ŻurekPrzemysław Radzikcriminal lawpresidential electionselectionsKamil Zaradkiewiczdisciplinary commissionerPiotr Schabmedia freedomneo-judgeselections 2023Julia PrzyłębskajudiciaryFirst President of the Supreme Courtpreliminary rulingsSupreme Administrative CourtHungaryelections 2020K 3/21Dagmara Pawełczyk-WoickaNational Council for JudiciaryharassmentProsecutor GeneralprosecutorsŁukasz PiebiakMichał LasotaBeata MorawiecPaweł JuszczyszynCourt of Justice of the European UnionPrime MinisterPresidentConstitutionCOVID-19European Arrest WarrantMaciej NawackiCriminal ChamberRegional Court in KrakówRecovery FundExtraordinary Control and Public Affairs ChamberEU budgetfreedom of expressionprosecutiondisciplinary liability for judgesWojciech HermelińskiMarek SafjanMałgorzata GersdorfSejmcourtsMaciej Ferekfreedom of assemblyconditionalityLaw and JusticeNCJMinistry of JusticeJustice FundNational ProsecutorPiSStanisław PiotrowiczAleksander StepkowskiOSCEPresident of the Republic of PolandIustitiaTHEMISimmunityAnna DalkowskaNational Public ProsecutorCouncil of Europecriminal proceedingsStanisław Biernatconditionality mechanismWłodzimierz WróbelLabour and Social Security Chambercommission on Russian influence2017policeJustice Defence Committee – KOSFreedom HouseSupreme Court PresidentArticle 7Venice CommissionPM Mateusz MorawieckiNational Electoral CommissionJarosław WyrembakAndrzej Zollacting first president of the Supreme CourtOrdo IurisMay 10 2020 electionsPresident of PolandLGBTXero Flor w Polsce Sp. z o.o. v. PolandBroda and Bojara v PolandReczkowicz and Others v. Polandmedia independenceKrystian MarkiewiczSylwia Gregorczyk-AbramAmsterdam District CourtKrzysztof ParchimowiczMichał WawrykiewiczArticle 6 ECHREAWUrsula von der LeyenTVPmediaLex Super OmniaLech GarlickiEwa ŁętowskaDidier ReyndersStrategic Lawsuits Against Public ParticipationAndrzej StępkaPiotr GąciarekcorruptionP 7/20K 7/21Lex DudaNational Reconstruction PlanProfessional Liability ChambersuspensionparliamentJarosław DudziczChamber of Professional Liabilityelectoral codePiotr Prusinowskidemocratic backslidingdecommunizationLaw on the NCJrecommendationHuman Rights CommissionerCCBEThe Council of Bars and Law Societies of Europepublic opinion pollreportEuropean ParliamentZiobrointimidation of dissenterstransferretirement agePiebiak gatehuman rightsEuropean Association of Judges11 January March in WarsawcoronavirusC-791/19Piotr PszczółkowskiGeneral Assembly of the Supreme Court Judgeslex NGOcivil societyRussiaJarosław GowinLGBT ideology free zonescriminal codeSenateZuzanna Rudzińska-BluszczMarcin WarchołdefamationFree CourtsEwa WrzosekEU law primacyAdam TomczyńskiBelgiumNetherlandsBogdan Święczkowskijudcial independenceMaciej MiteraViktor OrbanOLAFNext Generation EUvetoabortionJózef IwulskiTeresa Dębowska-RomanowskaKazimierz DziałochaMirosław GranatAdam JamrózStefan JaworskiBiruta Lewaszkiewicz-PetrykowskaWojciech ŁączkowskiMarek MazurkiewiczAndrzej MączyńskiJanusz NiemcewiczMałgorzata Pyziak- SzafnickaStanisław RymarFerdynand RymarzAndrzej RzeplińskiJerzy StępieńPiotr TulejaSławomira Wronkowska-JaśkiewiczMirosław WyrzykowskiBohdan ZdziennickiMarek ZubikSLAPPOKO.pressDariusz ZawistowskiMichał LaskowskiMarek PietruszyńskiKrystyna PawłowiczMariusz MuszyńskiPaweł FilipekMaciej TaborowskiMarian BanaśSupreme Audit OfficeAdam SynakiewiczBelarusstate of emergencyKrakówXero Flor v. PolandAstradsson v IcelandK 6/21Civil ChamberJoanna Misztal-KoneckaPegasusMariusz KamińskisurveillanceCentral Anti-Corruption BureauJoanna Hetnarowicz-SikoraEdyta Barańskaright to fair trialUkraineKonrad WytrykowskiJakub IwaniecDariusz DrajewiczRafał Puchalskismear campaignmilestonesConstitutional Tribunal PresidentMarzanna Piekarska-Drążekelectoral processWojciech Maczugapublic medialexTuskcourt changeselections integrityelections fairnessabuse of state resourcesPATFoxpopulismequal treatmentfundamental rightsCT PresidentEUWhite Paperlustrationtransitional justice2018Nations in TransitCouncil of the EUStanisław ZabłockiLIBE CommitteeFrans TimmermansUS Department of StateSwieczkowskiadvocate generalpress releaseRights and Values ProgrammeC-619/18defamatory statementsWorld Justice Project awardWojciech SadurskijudgePechKochenovEvgeni TanchevFreedom in the WorldECJFrackowiakAmnesty Internationaltrans-Atlantic valuesLSOlawyersAct of 20 December 2019repressive actKoen LenaertsharrassmentAlina CzubieniakGerard BirgfellerEwa Maciejewskapostal votepostal vote billresolution of 23 January 2020Leon KieresPKWinfringment actionEU valuesENCJIsraelforeign agents lawOrganization of Security and Co-operation in EuropeFirst President of the Suprme CourtLGBT free zonesequalityChamber of Extraordinary Verificationhate crimeshate speechGrzęda v PolandŻurek v PolandSobczyńska and Others v PolandRafał Trzaskowskimedia lawPrzemysła RadzikElżbieta KarskaMarcin RomanowskiJacek CzaputowiczPrzemysław Czarneklegislative practiceENAZbigniew BoniekOmbudsmanKraśnikNorwayNorwegian fundsNorwegian Ministry of Foreign AffairsC-487/19Article 10 ECHRRegional Court in AmsterdamOpenbaar MinisterieAK judgmentSimpson judgmentForum Współpracy Sędziówpublic broadcastermutual trustLMIrelandIrena MajcherAmsterdamthe Regional Court in WarsawUnited NationsLeszek Mazurinterim measuresautocratizationMultiannual Financial Frameworkabortion rulingproteststhe NetherlandsDenmarkSwedenFinlandMariusz KrasońGermanyCelmerC354/20 PPUC412/20 PPUAusl 301 AR 104/19Karlsruheact on misdemeanoursCivil Service ActParliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europemedia taxadvertising taxmediabezwyboruJacek KurskiKESMAIndex.huTelex.huJelenJózsef SzájerKlubrádióGazeta WyborczaPollitykaBrussels IRome IIArticle 2Forum shoppingtransparencyEuropean Economic and Social CommitteeSebastian KaletaC-156/21C-157/21Marek PiertuszyńskiNational Prosecutor’s OfficeBogdan ŚwiączkowskiDisicplinary ChamberTribunal of StateOlsztyn courtPrzemysła CzarnekEducation MinisterIpsosOlimpia Barańska-MałuszeHudocKonrad SzymańskiPiotr BogdanowiczPiotr Burasauthoritarian equilibriumArticle 258clientelismoligarchic systemEuropean Public Prosecutor's OfficePolish National FoundationLux VeritatisMałgorzata BednarekPiotr WawrzykTVNjournalistslexTVNPolish mediaRzeszówborderprimacyEU treatiesAgnieszka Niklas-BibikSłupsk Regional CourtMaciej RutkiewiczMirosław Wróblewskiright to protestSławomir JęksaWiktor JoachimkowskiRoman GiertychMichał WośMinistry of FinanceJacek SasinErnest BejdaThe First President of the Supreme CourtMaciej CzajkaMariusz JałoszewskiŁukasz RadkepolexitDolińska-Ficek and Ozimek v PolandPaulina Kieszkowska-KnapikMaria Ejchart-DuboisAgreement for the Rule of LawPorozumienie dla PraworządnościAct sanitising the judiciaryMarek AstCourt of Appeal in KrakówPutinismKaczyńskiPaulina AslanowiczJarosław MatrasMałgorzata Wąsek-Wiaderekct on the Protection of the Populatiolegislationlex WośRome StatuteInternational Criminal CourtAntykastaStanisław ZdunIrena BochniakKrystyna Morawa-FryźlewiczKatarzyna ChmuraGrzegorz FurmankiewiczMarek JaskulskiJoanna Kołodziej-MichałowiczEwa ŁąpińskaZbigniew ŁupinaPaweł StyrnaKasta/AntykastaAndrzej SkowronŁukasz BilińskiIvan MischenkoMonika FrąckowiakArkadiusz CichockiEmilia SzmydtTomasz SzmydtE-mail scandalDworczyk leaksMichał Dworczykmedia pluralism#RecoveryFilesrepairing the rule of lawBohdan BieniekMarcin KrajewskiMałgorzata Dobiecka-WoźniakChamber of Extraordinary Control and Public AffairsWiesław KozielewiczNational Recovery Plan Monitoring CommitteeGrzegorz PudaPiotr MazurekJerzy KwaśniewskiPetros Tovmasyancourt presidentsODIHRFull-Scale Election Observation MissionNGOKarolina MiklaszewskaRafał LisakMałgorzata FroncJędrzej Dessoulavy-ŚliwińskiSebastian MazurekElżbieta Jabłońska-MalikSzymon Szynkowski vel SękJoanna Scheuring-Wielgusinsulting religious feelingsoppositionAdam GendźwiłłDariusz Dończyktest of independenceTomasz KoszewskiJakub KwiecińskidiscriminationAct on the Supreme Courtelectoral commissionsEuropean Court of HuKrzysztof RączkaPoznańKoan LenaertsKarol WeitzKaspryszyn v PolandNCR&DNCBiRThe National Centre for Research and DevelopmentEuropean Anti-Fraud Office OLAFJustyna WydrzyńskaAgnieszka Brygidyr-DoroszJoanna KnobelCrimes of espionageextraordinary commissionZbigniew KapińskiAnna GłowackaCourt of Appeal in WarsawOsiatyński'a ArchiveUS State DepartmentAssessment Actenvironmentinvestmentstrategic investmentgag lawsuitslex RaczkowskiPiotr Raczkowskithe Spy ActdisinformationNational Broadcasting Councilelection fairnessDobrochna Bach-GoleckaRafał WojciechowskiAleksandra RutkowskaGeneral Court of the EUArkadiusz RadwanLech WałęsaWałęsa v. Polandright to an independent and impartial tribunal established by lawpilot-judgmentDonald Tusk governmentSLAPPscivil lawRadosław BaszukAction PlanJustice MinistryVěra JourováDonald Tuskjustice system reform